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Chapter 1: What is the main topic discussed in this episode?
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This is the Global News Podcast from the BBC World Service. I'm Nick Mars, and in the early hours of Monday 1st June, these are our main stories. A right-wing political outsider has won the first round of Colombia's presidential election. Israeli troops have made their deepest incursion into southern Lebanon in a quarter of a century, capturing a strategically located castle.
And researchers have developed a pill that can almost double the survival time of patients with advanced pancreatic cancer. also in this podcast.
You wake up in the morning, the first thing you do is you get the dust fan and brush out as you go walking around trying to find the dead mice in your home. That's not as good as getting a nice cup of coffee, I can assure you.
We hear about purgatory in the form of a plague of mice in Australia and in Poland, why people will now be able to take the 666 bus again. Who can save Colombia from the escalating violence caused by militant groups and drug gangs? That was the question voters were grappling with as they went to the polls in the first round of the country's presidential election. It's hardly surprising.
Despite a peace agreement with the largest of the country's rebel factions in 2016, dissident groups have made parts of the country almost ungovernable. Already this year, hundreds of people have been killed and hundreds of thousands displaced by fighting. With results in from Sunday's vote, we know that two men will contest a second round in three weeks' time.
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Chapter 2: Who won the first round of Colombia's presidential election?
He was originally a criminal defense lawyer. And he became famous by flaunting both his professional success as a lawyer and his substantial wealth. He traveled around in private jets. He was very, very outspoken. And he became very well known before finally joining this presidential election, where he campaigns as an outsider under the promise of reforming Colombian politics.
And as he says, imposing new hardship on what he calls the left that is that in his words is destroying the country.
So his policy and Mr Cepeda, his contender now in the second round, those two policies very, very different, distinct in terms of the major problem that Colombia faces, all this violence. How are they going to do it?
Extremely different, as you say. Mr. Cepeda, who is running for the governing historic pact, the pact of the political party of the current president, Gustavo Petro, Mr. Cepeda says he wants to continue with the signature policy of Petro, which was trying to establish dialogue with a number of Colombian illegal armed groups, both Marxist guerrilla groups and criminal organizations.
These have not been successful, these talks yet. during the Petro administration.
Instead, Mr. de la Espriella says he wants a very hardline law and order approach, which he says is basically going to be a military crackdown on these illegal armed groups and also very harsh criminal policies, for example, establishing large jails similar to the ones that have been set up in El Salvador to fight the problem of criminality.
So again, extremely different diagnosis and extremely different solutions proposed for the problem of Colombian violence, which, as you mentioned, has continued all these years.
I mean, Donald Trump has been very critical to date of this softer approach to the rebels and the drug gangs, perhaps in part because cocaine production in Colombia has rocketed over the last year in particular. So he could make life quite difficult for Mr. Cepeda, should he become president.
There's been a lot of discussion about what the U.S. government would do in the event of a CEPEDA administration. One of the things that observers have noted, however, is that Mr. Trump has not intervened directly in this election in a way similar to what had happened in other Latin American countries where the Trump administration intervened.
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Chapter 3: What are the contrasting policies of Colombia's presidential candidates?
That's led here to new restrictions being brought in in those areas right up close on the border, similar to restrictions during the war. Sebastian Usher.
The rapid decolonisation of Africa during the 1960s brought liberation for many, but it spawned dozens of separatist movements and civil wars as well. None was as deadly as the Nigerian civil war that began in 1967. lasted for three years and left between half a million and three million people dead.
The war started after Nigeria's oil-rich eastern region attempted to break away and form a new nation called Biafra, following waves of ethnic violence. Now, some of the last surviving soldiers from that conflict that followed have been speaking to the BBC's Princess Abu Mary. You may find some of their testimony distressing.
We are the survivors of the Nigeria-Biafra civil war. I'm 85 years old, only. Godwin Alabi Isama was 27 years old when the war broke out in 1967. He was fighting on the side of the Nigerian army and became a commander.
When the war started, I think the whole Nigerian army was less than 10,000. They recruited prisoners.
Even if you had only one eye, we just recruited everybody. Sasa Ugumba Nwoke was a teenager in the Biafran army. When I joined the Biafran army, called the rebel army, it was excitement in the air. Everybody was involved in the war, the women, the men, the children. How old are you? I'm 10 years. 10 years old. Do you know why Biafra is fighting? Biafra is fighting for survival.
Is it going to win?
Yes, sir. Her Royal Highness handed over sovereignty to a new nation. In 1960, Nigerians gained independence from Britain. The colonial rulers had left a tense group of tribes, the main ones being Hausa's in the north, Yoruba's in the west, and the Igbo's in the eastern region.
Six years later, following two military coups and widespread political chaos, thousands of Igbos were killed in waves of ethnic violence. Nwoke witnessed the scenes. I saw a headless man. I thought I was dreaming. I looked again. I saw kids. They chopped off their arms and chopped off their legs.
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Chapter 4: How is Israel's recent incursion into Lebanon significant?
Petersburg, around 200,000 bottles stored. And when communists came in 1917, the cellar was raided by the communists and they were drinking, etc., But when Stalin came in power, he realized that it's a very valuable piece of wines and he just locked them up. And then when Hitler was marching towards St. Petersburg, he moved the cellar into three pieces.
One went to the Crimea, one went to Georgia, and one we don't know where it is. So the Crimea one was auctioned out in the 90s. So this is a kind of only known part of this Romanov cellar, which I guess Stalin was adding more wines to. And Stalin was Georgian himself, and he was a big fan of wine. But these were, as you say, wine bottles that belonged to the Russian royal family.
But despite being a communist, he didn't destroy them. He thought that maybe one day, I guess he wanted to drink some of them. As far as we know, he liked the sweet wine. And hence why the camps are there and some of the port is there. But basically, yeah, I mean, him being Georgian and Georgians know a lot about the wine.
So he saw the value there, obviously, and did not destroy this unique collection. Dessert wines and things like port can keep for many decades and maybe even longer. Do you think that many of the wines, though, won't be drinkable, that they will have turned to vinegar? To be honest, what I have observed there, 80% of this wine is probably not drinkable, most likely.
But there is some which would be drinkable, I think. That was the winemaker, Irakli Gilauri. As a final destination, hell may not be everyone's first choice, but the bus service to hell, spelt with one L in northern Poland, that's now up and running again, is likely to fill up fast.
That's because it was very popular with tourists, but was scrapped three years ago after complaints from Christian groups about the so-called Highway to Hell bus. This report from the newsroom's Wendy Urquhart.
You may have been tempted to tell someone to go to hell at one time or another, but in Poland it's actually not such a bad thing. That's because hell, with one L, is actually an ancient town in the Gulf of Gdansk, in the north of the country, that dates back to 1198.
It was once a tiny village with a local church, a hospital, a couple of guest houses and a very small port and was best known for its herring trade. High tides and strong currents in the 15th century caused severe land erosion in the area, forcing the authorities to move the town a little bit further up the coast.
That also led to a growth spurt and the 35-kilometre-long peninsula fast became an important trading post. But business was also booming across the bay in Gdansk, which soon put an end to Hell's desire for economic domination. Hell's sandy beaches, though, began enticing tourists to the region from all over the world.
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