Amanda Aronchik

Under this program, when anyone was arrested for a criminal offense, their fingerprints would automatically be sent to an ICE office, you know, Immigration and Customs Enforcement.

Under this program, when anyone was arrested for a criminal offense, their fingerprints would automatically be sent to an ICE office, you know, Immigration and Customs Enforcement.

Under this program, when anyone was arrested for a criminal offense, their fingerprints would automatically be sent to an ICE office, you know, Immigration and Customs Enforcement.

And Chloe says it's worth noting that 17 percent of those people were arrested but not actually convicted of a crime. And of the people who were convicted, 79 percent of them were convicted for nonviolent crimes. You know, things like traffic violations or violating immigration law, which, of course, are crimes. And 21 percent of the people convicted were deported for violent crimes.

And Chloe says it's worth noting that 17 percent of those people were arrested but not actually convicted of a crime. And of the people who were convicted, 79 percent of them were convicted for nonviolent crimes. You know, things like traffic violations or violating immigration law, which, of course, are crimes. And 21 percent of the people convicted were deported for violent crimes.

And Chloe says it's worth noting that 17 percent of those people were arrested but not actually convicted of a crime. And of the people who were convicted, 79 percent of them were convicted for nonviolent crimes. You know, things like traffic violations or violating immigration law, which, of course, are crimes. And 21 percent of the people convicted were deported for violent crimes.

And, similar to the 2000s, Trump has justified mass deportation as a safety issue, national security. What's different, though, is that there's also this economic piece to his promises. There's this idea that mass deportation should help American workers.

And, similar to the 2000s, Trump has justified mass deportation as a safety issue, national security. What's different, though, is that there's also this economic piece to his promises. There's this idea that mass deportation should help American workers.

And, similar to the 2000s, Trump has justified mass deportation as a safety issue, national security. What's different, though, is that there's also this economic piece to his promises. There's this idea that mass deportation should help American workers.

What do people generally assume is going to happen to U.S. citizens when people are deported?

What do people generally assume is going to happen to U.S. citizens when people are deported?

What do people generally assume is going to happen to U.S. citizens when people are deported?

In economics terms, that model assumes that people without legal status act as a substitute for American citizen workers.

In economics terms, that model assumes that people without legal status act as a substitute for American citizen workers.

In economics terms, that model assumes that people without legal status act as a substitute for American citizen workers.

It had this sort of staggered rollout, county by county, which was useful because it would let Chloe study what happens when the program suddenly switched on in one place, but not in another place.

It had this sort of staggered rollout, county by county, which was useful because it would let Chloe study what happens when the program suddenly switched on in one place, but not in another place.

It had this sort of staggered rollout, county by county, which was useful because it would let Chloe study what happens when the program suddenly switched on in one place, but not in another place.

Chloe started to study this back in 2017. And her team's basic question was, did all those deportations ultimately help U.S. workers?

Chloe started to study this back in 2017. And her team's basic question was, did all those deportations ultimately help U.S. workers?