Andrew Marantz

And terminate the Constitution.

And terminate the Constitution.

I think that the sort of are they losing thing, I sort of have a few issues with it. One is I sort of disagree with some of the particulars of the way we're accounting for the checklist, like the fact that they're losing court cases four to one. It depends on what the strategy is. If the strategy is to win every court case, then that's not a winning strategy.

I think that the sort of are they losing thing, I sort of have a few issues with it. One is I sort of disagree with some of the particulars of the way we're accounting for the checklist, like the fact that they're losing court cases four to one. It depends on what the strategy is. If the strategy is to win every court case, then that's not a winning strategy.

I don't think their strategy is to win every court case. I think there's a little bit of a heads I win, tails you lose kind of strategy where Trump has done a lot of losing of court cases in his life. He doesn't really seem to mind it that much. If he loses, maybe he loses partially. Maybe it's a splitting the baby kind of partial victory. And then he wins.

I don't think their strategy is to win every court case. I think there's a little bit of a heads I win, tails you lose kind of strategy where Trump has done a lot of losing of court cases in his life. He doesn't really seem to mind it that much. If he loses, maybe he loses partially. Maybe it's a splitting the baby kind of partial victory. And then he wins.

a few court cases and he can take that as a victory. So I think if you lose sight of the felt experience of what it is like to be an American right now, and you just go to the checklist and you go to the norms and institutions, I think you're missing a key part of it. Like I can tell you the chilling of speech is working. It is working.

a few court cases and he can take that as a victory. So I think if you lose sight of the felt experience of what it is like to be an American right now, and you just go to the checklist and you go to the norms and institutions, I think you're missing a key part of it. Like I can tell you the chilling of speech is working. It is working.

whether they lose every court case or not, people's speech is chilled. Whose speech? Students that I've spoken to. Do you think the media is chilled? Yeah. Well, I mean, so... See, I don't.

whether they lose every court case or not, people's speech is chilled. Whose speech? Students that I've spoken to. Do you think the media is chilled? Yeah. Well, I mean, so... See, I don't.

Well, the New Yorker... Blink twice, Andrew. The New Yorker so far is not... Well, this is another thing, which is... where are we on the timeline? Yes, where are we on the timeline? If we're 100 days in, I mean, you totally could have gone to Orban's Hungary 100 days in and said, he hasn't taken control of the media. It took him seven or eight years to get control of the media.

Well, the New Yorker... Blink twice, Andrew. The New Yorker so far is not... Well, this is another thing, which is... where are we on the timeline? Yes, where are we on the timeline? If we're 100 days in, I mean, you totally could have gone to Orban's Hungary 100 days in and said, he hasn't taken control of the media. It took him seven or eight years to get control of the media.

So, you know, if you had the Washington Post killing editorial cartoons and changing its editorial mission ahead of a new regime coming into office, I wouldn't say the media is totally cooked, but I would say that doesn't look great.

So, you know, if you had the Washington Post killing editorial cartoons and changing its editorial mission ahead of a new regime coming into office, I wouldn't say the media is totally cooked, but I would say that doesn't look great.

Tell me about that trip. The felt sense was really, as you say, this liminal, you know, another term people use is hybrid regime. And the hybridity, the ambiguity, the plausible deniability, it's all around you. So, you know, you take the example of the universities. One thing that one reads about Hungary is Viktor Orban didn't like CEU, Central European University.

Tell me about that trip. The felt sense was really, as you say, this liminal, you know, another term people use is hybrid regime. And the hybridity, the ambiguity, the plausible deniability, it's all around you. So, you know, you take the example of the universities. One thing that one reads about Hungary is Viktor Orban didn't like CEU, Central European University.

He didn't like it because he was waging this kind of propaganda war against George Soros or the figure of George Soros who was funding that university. And so he got rid of it. He kicked it out. And then you go there and you go to a building that says CEU on the front of it. And it has a big plaque that says George Soros funded this university.

He didn't like it because he was waging this kind of propaganda war against George Soros or the figure of George Soros who was funding that university. And so he got rid of it. He kicked it out. And then you go there and you go to a building that says CEU on the front of it. And it has a big plaque that says George Soros funded this university.

And you walk in and you're in the university that you were told was kicked out of Budapest. So right there, I was like, what's going on exactly? And I was talking to dissidents in the middle of Budapest, criticizing the regime and calling it autocratic. And they weren't fearing that they were going to get stuffed into a van.

And you walk in and you're in the university that you were told was kicked out of Budapest. So right there, I was like, what's going on exactly? And I was talking to dissidents in the middle of Budapest, criticizing the regime and calling it autocratic. And they weren't fearing that they were going to get stuffed into a van.