Batya Ungar-Sargon

And of course, nothing could be further from the truth.

And of course, nothing could be further from the truth.

He's also loathed by the left. So he is very much, as you point out, an establishment centrist Democrat who the left absolutely hates. So we're going to see whether a Democrat who can truly sideline that left wing, the activist wing and the donor wing, who are all very radical on the social issues, whether somebody like that has a shot. What I predict is he will be very centrist on social policy.

He's also loathed by the left. So he is very much, as you point out, an establishment centrist Democrat who the left absolutely hates. So we're going to see whether a Democrat who can truly sideline that left wing, the activist wing and the donor wing, who are all very radical on the social issues, whether somebody like that has a shot. What I predict is he will be very centrist on social policy.

He's also loathed by the left. So he is very much, as you point out, an establishment centrist Democrat who the left absolutely hates. So we're going to see whether a Democrat who can truly sideline that left wing, the activist wing and the donor wing, who are all very radical on the social issues, whether somebody like that has a shot. What I predict is he will be very centrist on social policy.

But when it comes to foreign policy and economic policy, he's going to sound a lot like a Republican from before Trump than he will like what that sort of consensus in the in the middle wants, which is protectionist economic policy and more isolationist. It's not really isolationist, but a more America first foreign policy.

But when it comes to foreign policy and economic policy, he's going to sound a lot like a Republican from before Trump than he will like what that sort of consensus in the in the middle wants, which is protectionist economic policy and more isolationist. It's not really isolationist, but a more America first foreign policy.

But when it comes to foreign policy and economic policy, he's going to sound a lot like a Republican from before Trump than he will like what that sort of consensus in the in the middle wants, which is protectionist economic policy and more isolationist. It's not really isolationist, but a more America first foreign policy.

He probably will do that sort of handshake agreement that they had between the rhino version of the Republican Party and the Democrats under Clinton and Obama, where it was very aggressive in terms of foreign policy, but then actually quite free market, free trade in terms of economic policy. And I think that would be sort of the kiss of death for him.

He probably will do that sort of handshake agreement that they had between the rhino version of the Republican Party and the Democrats under Clinton and Obama, where it was very aggressive in terms of foreign policy, but then actually quite free market, free trade in terms of economic policy. And I think that would be sort of the kiss of death for him.

He probably will do that sort of handshake agreement that they had between the rhino version of the Republican Party and the Democrats under Clinton and Obama, where it was very aggressive in terms of foreign policy, but then actually quite free market, free trade in terms of economic policy. And I think that would be sort of the kiss of death for him.

Thank you so much for having me. It's always an honor to be here with you.

Thank you so much for having me. It's always an honor to be here with you.

From my point of view, this is first and foremost a media scandal because it is in the nature of power to hold on to itself, to expand itself, to protect itself. It's not surprising at all that Joe Biden's inner coterie, his family, his cabinet were protecting him from the revelations that would have ended his presidency if everything was working well, that he was declining mentally.

From my point of view, this is first and foremost a media scandal because it is in the nature of power to hold on to itself, to expand itself, to protect itself. It's not surprising at all that Joe Biden's inner coterie, his family, his cabinet were protecting him from the revelations that would have ended his presidency if everything was working well, that he was declining mentally.

That should make a lot of sense to all of us. That is what power does. It expands itself and it protects itself. That is why the fourth estate, the media, is so important because its job is to look at the natural way that power operates and to hold power to account in the name of the American people who do not have the same access to the people in power.

That should make a lot of sense to all of us. That is what power does. It expands itself and it protects itself. That is why the fourth estate, the media, is so important because its job is to look at the natural way that power operates and to hold power to account in the name of the American people who do not have the same access to the people in power.

And here is the thing that is so galling about the media's defense of Joe Biden. It's that when it comes to Donald Trump, They are very good at holding power to account. In fact, they are too good at it. They overstep, they over-criticize. They won't say a single positive thing about him.

And here is the thing that is so galling about the media's defense of Joe Biden. It's that when it comes to Donald Trump, They are very good at holding power to account. In fact, they are too good at it. They overstep, they over-criticize. They won't say a single positive thing about him.

And so they are deeply inaccurate in the portrayal they give the American people of Donald Trump, which is of course why they've lost so much credibility. It's because they cast themselves as the resistance, but only in one direction. The huge scandal here is not just that the media covered for Joe Biden, a person in power.