Christopher Rufo

But what I've been recommending to them as the most successful strategy is not to say American Jews need speech protections, American Jews need DEI, specifically on anti-Semitism, but actually American Jews can tap into something much higher and much more powerful.

But what I've been recommending to them as the most successful strategy is not to say American Jews need speech protections, American Jews need DEI, specifically on anti-Semitism, but actually American Jews can tap into something much higher and much more powerful.

This principle of universal standards to say every group needs protection from violence on campus, every group needs protected speech, every group needs to be treated equally and not rewarded or punished based on their racial, ethnic, or religious background.

This principle of universal standards to say every group needs protection from violence on campus, every group needs protected speech, every group needs to be treated equally and not rewarded or punished based on their racial, ethnic, or religious background.

That is the winning argument, and we have to see anti-Semitism as really just the smallest nesting doll into this fervent anti-Semitic, anti-white, and anti-American hatred. Bring that all together, bring it into a unifying vision that can protect not just American Jews, but people of all backgrounds.

That is the winning argument, and we have to see anti-Semitism as really just the smallest nesting doll into this fervent anti-Semitic, anti-white, and anti-American hatred. Bring that all together, bring it into a unifying vision that can protect not just American Jews, but people of all backgrounds.

Well, I think you have to start at the top and then work your way downward. You know, universities are driven to a large part by social status. And so if you can change the social status at the Ivy League University, Harvard, Princeton, Yale, Columbia, most notably, And then you could start changing the social status at the flagship state universities, Berkeley, Michigan, Texas, et cetera.

Well, I think you have to start at the top and then work your way downward. You know, universities are driven to a large part by social status. And so if you can change the social status at the Ivy League University, Harvard, Princeton, Yale, Columbia, most notably, And then you could start changing the social status at the flagship state universities, Berkeley, Michigan, Texas, et cetera.

You're going to send a very strong message downward that it is no longer safe. It is no longer high status. It is no longer even possible to have discriminatory DEI programs or to have this really anti-Semitic, anti-white, anti-American, and often anti-Asian sentiments and policies on campus.

You're going to send a very strong message downward that it is no longer safe. It is no longer high status. It is no longer even possible to have discriminatory DEI programs or to have this really anti-Semitic, anti-white, anti-American, and often anti-Asian sentiments and policies on campus.

I think that's what you have to do because we need to turn this into a cultural movement, not just a legal campaign. And that's really what we're fighting for. And we have to ground it again in this principle of colorblind equality, treating everyone equally as an individual. That's the frame that we have to deploy.

I think that's what you have to do because we need to turn this into a cultural movement, not just a legal campaign. And that's really what we're fighting for. And we have to ground it again in this principle of colorblind equality, treating everyone equally as an individual. That's the frame that we have to deploy.

And that is both the sword and the shield we have to use to defeat the left and the left's really dismal ideology of judging people on the basis of race.

And that is both the sword and the shield we have to use to defeat the left and the left's really dismal ideology of judging people on the basis of race.

Yeah, absolutely. I think all of these orders, a lot of these policies were established by executive orders from Lyndon Johnson to Barack Obama to Joe Biden and Kamala Harris. And so he has absolute authority to rescind those executive orders and to turn the government in a new direction. That's the basic nature of his Article II powers under the Constitution.

Yeah, absolutely. I think all of these orders, a lot of these policies were established by executive orders from Lyndon Johnson to Barack Obama to Joe Biden and Kamala Harris. And so he has absolute authority to rescind those executive orders and to turn the government in a new direction. That's the basic nature of his Article II powers under the Constitution.

But the real tricky part and where this is going to get tough, not only for these issues related to racial discrimination, but also for permanently dissolving the Department of Education, the president needs Congress to act. And judging by the last 97 days or in change, the president is much bolder, much more decisive, and much more comfortable with risk-taking than the Republicans in Congress.

But the real tricky part and where this is going to get tough, not only for these issues related to racial discrimination, but also for permanently dissolving the Department of Education, the president needs Congress to act. And judging by the last 97 days or in change, the president is much bolder, much more decisive, and much more comfortable with risk-taking than the Republicans in Congress.

He's got to get Republicans to take some of these incredible executive orders and actually pass them through the legislature so that they can survive further into the future and they could still be the law even if power changes in four or hopefully 12 years.

He's got to get Republicans to take some of these incredible executive orders and actually pass them through the legislature so that they can survive further into the future and they could still be the law even if power changes in four or hopefully 12 years.