Dr. Paul Turke

That sort of idea didn't jibe with the idea that, you know, once they became 20 or 30 and we were 50 or 60, that, you know, we were just going to kick back and let them take care of us. I always felt it was going to be the other way around.

That sort of idea didn't jibe with the idea that, you know, once they became 20 or 30 and we were 50 or 60, that, you know, we were just going to kick back and let them take care of us. I always felt it was going to be the other way around.

That sort of idea didn't jibe with the idea that, you know, once they became 20 or 30 and we were 50 or 60, that, you know, we were just going to kick back and let them take care of us. I always felt it was going to be the other way around.

And that's my early work contributed to the grandmother hypothesis and contributed to what we now consider to be the right explanation for why life spans doubled. But this notion that wealth flows switched, right? As modernization occurred, and that's what made us not want children, didn't make full sense to me.

And that's my early work contributed to the grandmother hypothesis and contributed to what we now consider to be the right explanation for why life spans doubled. But this notion that wealth flows switched, right? As modernization occurred, and that's what made us not want children, didn't make full sense to me.

And that's my early work contributed to the grandmother hypothesis and contributed to what we now consider to be the right explanation for why life spans doubled. But this notion that wealth flows switched, right? As modernization occurred, and that's what made us not want children, didn't make full sense to me.

Now, it does make sense that children, of course, became more expensive as we left traditional settings and stuff, but they were always expensive. They never really gave us more than we gave them, except in terms of life satisfaction, maybe. So my explanation is just that, that we don't have kinship networks anymore anymore. that help spread out the costs of rearing children.

Now, it does make sense that children, of course, became more expensive as we left traditional settings and stuff, but they were always expensive. They never really gave us more than we gave them, except in terms of life satisfaction, maybe. So my explanation is just that, that we don't have kinship networks anymore anymore. that help spread out the costs of rearing children.

Now, it does make sense that children, of course, became more expensive as we left traditional settings and stuff, but they were always expensive. They never really gave us more than we gave them, except in terms of life satisfaction, maybe. So my explanation is just that, that we don't have kinship networks anymore anymore. that help spread out the costs of rearing children.

Costs get concentrated on mom and dad. Mom and dad say, you know, this is hard work. We love these kids, but we're only going to have one or only going to have two. And some people look around and say, oh, my friends over there are struggling. I'm not having any.

Costs get concentrated on mom and dad. Mom and dad say, you know, this is hard work. We love these kids, but we're only going to have one or only going to have two. And some people look around and say, oh, my friends over there are struggling. I'm not having any.

Costs get concentrated on mom and dad. Mom and dad say, you know, this is hard work. We love these kids, but we're only going to have one or only going to have two. And some people look around and say, oh, my friends over there are struggling. I'm not having any.

So I think it has a lot to do with the demise of extended kinship networks and that help in the concentration of care responsibilities on the decision makers.

So I think it has a lot to do with the demise of extended kinship networks and that help in the concentration of care responsibilities on the decision makers.

So I think it has a lot to do with the demise of extended kinship networks and that help in the concentration of care responsibilities on the decision makers.

Well, the big one that I worked on has to do with food allergies, childhood food allergies. Back in the 90s, And it was officially codified by the American Pediatric Society in 2000 or 2001, I think it was, that you delay, delay, delay when it comes to the introduction of the eight or nine most allergenic foods.

Well, the big one that I worked on has to do with food allergies, childhood food allergies. Back in the 90s, And it was officially codified by the American Pediatric Society in 2000 or 2001, I think it was, that you delay, delay, delay when it comes to the introduction of the eight or nine most allergenic foods.

Well, the big one that I worked on has to do with food allergies, childhood food allergies. Back in the 90s, And it was officially codified by the American Pediatric Society in 2000 or 2001, I think it was, that you delay, delay, delay when it comes to the introduction of the eight or nine most allergenic foods.

And I mean, first of all, that evolution aside, that just never made sense from an immunological point of view. It just, I don't know how they came up with that idea because once the immune system is able to cause destruction, which starts in utero and is present in a big way, even shortly after birth, you have to have proper tolerance mechanisms.

And I mean, first of all, that evolution aside, that just never made sense from an immunological point of view. It just, I don't know how they came up with that idea because once the immune system is able to cause destruction, which starts in utero and is present in a big way, even shortly after birth, you have to have proper tolerance mechanisms.