Ezra Klein

And we are trying to push this idea that the thing we want is a capable government, a strong government, a government that when it promises it will do something, it actually does it and gets it done. And that requires not just deregulation of the private sector, though sometimes it does require that. It requires deregulation of the government itself.

And we are trying to push this idea that the thing we want is a capable government, a strong government, a government that when it promises it will do something, it actually does it and gets it done. And that requires not just deregulation of the private sector, though sometimes it does require that. It requires deregulation of the government itself.

And we are trying to push this idea that the thing we want is a capable government, a strong government, a government that when it promises it will do something, it actually does it and gets it done. And that requires not just deregulation of the private sector, though sometimes it does require that. It requires deregulation of the government itself.

98%.

98%.

98%.

the rules. We talk a lot about a book. I don't know if you've run into this one, but it's by Mansour Olson, who's sort of a founder of public interest economics, and it's called The Rise and Decline of Nations. This is like a very famous book. Libertarians love this book. And I love this book. It's not right about everything, but its fundamental question is, how come after World War II,

the rules. We talk a lot about a book. I don't know if you've run into this one, but it's by Mansour Olson, who's sort of a founder of public interest economics, and it's called The Rise and Decline of Nations. This is like a very famous book. Libertarians love this book. And I love this book. It's not right about everything, but its fundamental question is, how come after World War II,

the rules. We talk a lot about a book. I don't know if you've run into this one, but it's by Mansour Olson, who's sort of a founder of public interest economics, and it's called The Rise and Decline of Nations. This is like a very famous book. Libertarians love this book. And I love this book. It's not right about everything, but its fundamental question is, how come after World War II,

did the completely destroyed, bombed-out countries of Germany and Japan, you would have thought they would be just screwed. Instead, they both become growth miracles. They both do much better than the UK, which, you know, was on the winning side of the war. Why? And Olson's argument is,

did the completely destroyed, bombed-out countries of Germany and Japan, you would have thought they would be just screwed. Instead, they both become growth miracles. They both do much better than the UK, which, you know, was on the winning side of the war. Why? And Olson's argument is,

did the completely destroyed, bombed-out countries of Germany and Japan, you would have thought they would be just screwed. Instead, they both become growth miracles. They both do much better than the UK, which, you know, was on the winning side of the war. Why? And Olson's argument is,

is that affluent, stable societies over long periods of time develop something that is very difficult to develop and very important to develop, which is bargaining organizations, right? Collective action is hard. It is hard to form an organization. It is hard to make that organization persist.

is that affluent, stable societies over long periods of time develop something that is very difficult to develop and very important to develop, which is bargaining organizations, right? Collective action is hard. It is hard to form an organization. It is hard to make that organization persist.

is that affluent, stable societies over long periods of time develop something that is very difficult to develop and very important to develop, which is bargaining organizations, right? Collective action is hard. It is hard to form an organization. It is hard to make that organization persist.

But if you can do that in an atmosphere of stability, then over time, that organization will tend to entrench its power, right? Think about AARP or the Chamber of Commerce or or certain unions or, you know, the National Manufacturing Council, et cetera, the Business Roundtable.

But if you can do that in an atmosphere of stability, then over time, that organization will tend to entrench its power, right? Think about AARP or the Chamber of Commerce or or certain unions or, you know, the National Manufacturing Council, et cetera, the Business Roundtable.

But if you can do that in an atmosphere of stability, then over time, that organization will tend to entrench its power, right? Think about AARP or the Chamber of Commerce or or certain unions or, you know, the National Manufacturing Council, et cetera, the Business Roundtable.

You know, they're not that powerful when they start, but over a long period of time, they become really powerful and they start to pass laws and make themselves more powerful and so on.

You know, they're not that powerful when they start, but over a long period of time, they become really powerful and they start to pass laws and make themselves more powerful and so on.