Ezra Klein

He brought in mainstream figures like Gary Cohn and, you know, Kushner represented other parts of society that, you know, were sort of mixed on Trump and they wanted him to do certain things and not others. And there was maybe a productive tension. McConnell, you know, was majority leader. He was more powerful than Thune is. Paul Ryan was speaker. He's more powerful than Mike Johnson is.

He brought in mainstream figures like Gary Cohn and, you know, Kushner represented other parts of society that, you know, were sort of mixed on Trump and they wanted him to do certain things and not others. And there was maybe a productive tension. McConnell, you know, was majority leader. He was more powerful than Thune is. Paul Ryan was speaker. He's more powerful than Mike Johnson is.

In the second term, you have Don Trump Jr., who brings in much more right-wing figures. They're accelerators, not inhibitors. Accelerationists, in many cases, explicitly. You have Elon Musk, who believes the likeliest problem is Trump doesn't go far enough fast enough. And you have a weak Republican Congress that is further cowed by Musk's money. The... It could be good or it could be bad.

In the second term, you have Don Trump Jr., who brings in much more right-wing figures. They're accelerators, not inhibitors. Accelerationists, in many cases, explicitly. You have Elon Musk, who believes the likeliest problem is Trump doesn't go far enough fast enough. And you have a weak Republican Congress that is further cowed by Musk's money. The... It could be good or it could be bad.

In the second term, you have Don Trump Jr., who brings in much more right-wing figures. They're accelerators, not inhibitors. Accelerationists, in many cases, explicitly. You have Elon Musk, who believes the likeliest problem is Trump doesn't go far enough fast enough. And you have a weak Republican Congress that is further cowed by Musk's money. The... It could be good or it could be bad.

But the Curtis Yarvin take that we need a more monarch-like figure is clearly being tested out. Like the view, just as you said about software engineering things, is that you often need a benevolent dictator. Now, I don't think Trump is benevolent. Other people do.

But the Curtis Yarvin take that we need a more monarch-like figure is clearly being tested out. Like the view, just as you said about software engineering things, is that you often need a benevolent dictator. Now, I don't think Trump is benevolent. Other people do.

But the Curtis Yarvin take that we need a more monarch-like figure is clearly being tested out. Like the view, just as you said about software engineering things, is that you often need a benevolent dictator. Now, I don't think Trump is benevolent. Other people do.

But the view that what is being attempted here is something much more centralized in its power, I think is actually a shared view of what's going on. It's like a consensus reality we have, not like an argument over reality we're having.

But the view that what is being attempted here is something much more centralized in its power, I think is actually a shared view of what's going on. It's like a consensus reality we have, not like an argument over reality we're having.

But the view that what is being attempted here is something much more centralized in its power, I think is actually a shared view of what's going on. It's like a consensus reality we have, not like an argument over reality we're having.

I think the important part of madman theory is that you're not actually a madman. You just got to convince people. Yes. Yes. Look, I am in agreement that we should talk to everybody. I don't know how many people followed the 2008 election closely who are watching this. There's a big fight in that election between Clinton and Obama about should you negotiate with your enemies?

I think the important part of madman theory is that you're not actually a madman. You just got to convince people. Yes. Yes. Look, I am in agreement that we should talk to everybody. I don't know how many people followed the 2008 election closely who are watching this. There's a big fight in that election between Clinton and Obama about should you negotiate with your enemies?

I think the important part of madman theory is that you're not actually a madman. You just got to convince people. Yes. Yes. Look, I am in agreement that we should talk to everybody. I don't know how many people followed the 2008 election closely who are watching this. There's a big fight in that election between Clinton and Obama about should you negotiate with your enemies?

And Obama's view is we should. We should talk to anybody. And Clinton's view was more nuanced than that, right? Certainly we shouldn't at this juncture. And during his presidency, Obama did a deal with Iran on the nuclear question. He negotiated with Cuba. He had very direct negotiations with Russia. He did it, importantly, unlike Donald Trump, without alienating all of our traditional allies.

And Obama's view is we should. We should talk to anybody. And Clinton's view was more nuanced than that, right? Certainly we shouldn't at this juncture. And during his presidency, Obama did a deal with Iran on the nuclear question. He negotiated with Cuba. He had very direct negotiations with Russia. He did it, importantly, unlike Donald Trump, without alienating all of our traditional allies.

And Obama's view is we should. We should talk to anybody. And Clinton's view was more nuanced than that, right? Certainly we shouldn't at this juncture. And during his presidency, Obama did a deal with Iran on the nuclear question. He negotiated with Cuba. He had very direct negotiations with Russia. He did it, importantly, unlike Donald Trump, without alienating all of our traditional allies.

One of the things that I think is important to say about Trump is that the difference between Trump and, say, Biden or Trump and Obama is not that Trump will negotiate with Putin and Obama wouldn't. It's that Trump is realigning our alliances. He doesn't really seem to want to negotiate with the Europeans, or at least he wants to do it from a more hostile position.

One of the things that I think is important to say about Trump is that the difference between Trump and, say, Biden or Trump and Obama is not that Trump will negotiate with Putin and Obama wouldn't. It's that Trump is realigning our alliances. He doesn't really seem to want to negotiate with the Europeans, or at least he wants to do it from a more hostile position.

One of the things that I think is important to say about Trump is that the difference between Trump and, say, Biden or Trump and Obama is not that Trump will negotiate with Putin and Obama wouldn't. It's that Trump is realigning our alliances. He doesn't really seem to want to negotiate with the Europeans, or at least he wants to do it from a more hostile position.