Fareed Zakaria

Let's take car production. In America, cars are made as a kind of integrated supply chain. In other words, parts moving back and forth from America to Canada to Mexico. They cross the border three or four times and you build essentially North American cars. So you're tariffing the part of the American supply chain. And guess who's going to come in?

Let's take car production. In America, cars are made as a kind of integrated supply chain. In other words, parts moving back and forth from America to Canada to Mexico. They cross the border three or four times and you build essentially North American cars. So you're tariffing the part of the American supply chain. And guess who's going to come in?

Let's take car production. In America, cars are made as a kind of integrated supply chain. In other words, parts moving back and forth from America to Canada to Mexico. They cross the border three or four times and you build essentially North American cars. So you're tariffing the part of the American supply chain. And guess who's going to come in?

The Korean car manufacturers and the Japanese car manufacturers for whom there are no tariffs. This is a gift to Japan and Korea.

The Korean car manufacturers and the Japanese car manufacturers for whom there are no tariffs. This is a gift to Japan and Korea.

The Korean car manufacturers and the Japanese car manufacturers for whom there are no tariffs. This is a gift to Japan and Korea.

You know, the part of the problem with Trump is he's so mercurial. He's so idiosyncratic that just when you think you figured out the Trump doctrine, he goes and says something that kind of sounds like the opposite of the Trump doctrine. But I do think that there is one coherent worldview that Trump seems to espouse and has espoused for a long time.

You know, the part of the problem with Trump is he's so mercurial. He's so idiosyncratic that just when you think you figured out the Trump doctrine, he goes and says something that kind of sounds like the opposite of the Trump doctrine. But I do think that there is one coherent worldview that Trump seems to espouse and has espoused for a long time.

The first ad he took out when he was a real estate developer, I think it was in 1985, was an ad about how Japan was ripping us off economically and Europe was ripping us off by free riding on security. And what that represents, I think, fundamentally is a kind of rejection of the open international system that the United States and Europe has built over the last eight decades.

The first ad he took out when he was a real estate developer, I think it was in 1985, was an ad about how Japan was ripping us off economically and Europe was ripping us off by free riding on security. And what that represents, I think, fundamentally is a kind of rejection of the open international system that the United States and Europe has built over the last eight decades.

You know, if you think about it for a minute, it really is a remarkable achievement. You go back to international relations before 1945, and it's just constant war, mercantilism, protectionism, The two Yale scholars who tabulated in the 100 years before World War II, there's about 150 territorial conquests, you know, aggression, taking of territory, legitimization of that.

You know, if you think about it for a minute, it really is a remarkable achievement. You go back to international relations before 1945, and it's just constant war, mercantilism, protectionism, The two Yale scholars who tabulated in the 100 years before World War II, there's about 150 territorial conquests, you know, aggression, taking of territory, legitimization of that.

Since 1945, there have been practically none. You have an open international economy. You have free trade. You have rules. You have travel and patents. I mean, there's a huge area of kind of international cooperation that people don't think about, but that happens all the time, every day, you know, when you fly, when goods go from one place to another.

Since 1945, there have been practically none. You have an open international economy. You have free trade. You have rules. You have travel and patents. I mean, there's a huge area of kind of international cooperation that people don't think about, but that happens all the time, every day, you know, when you fly, when goods go from one place to another.

And what Trump, I think, has taken from that whole world is the US has been the sucker. The US has been the country that's had to underwrite it. The US is the country that's opened itself up to the world and everyone takes advantage of the US. So I don't know that he wants to tear it down, but he wants to seriously renegotiate or perhaps even redo that system.

And what Trump, I think, has taken from that whole world is the US has been the sucker. The US has been the country that's had to underwrite it. The US is the country that's opened itself up to the world and everyone takes advantage of the US. So I don't know that he wants to tear it down, but he wants to seriously renegotiate or perhaps even redo that system.

Yeah, there is a certain truth to that, that the United States does have enormous power. And by the way, they're even right about the fact that the United States is more open to, for example, the world's goods and services than they are to ours. The United States has long practiced a kind of asymmetrical free trade. So after World War II, we decided we would open up our markets globally.

Yeah, there is a certain truth to that, that the United States does have enormous power. And by the way, they're even right about the fact that the United States is more open to, for example, the world's goods and services than they are to ours. The United States has long practiced a kind of asymmetrical free trade. So after World War II, we decided we would open up our markets globally.

to Europe and East Asia, to Japan and South Korea. And the reason we did that was we were trying to build an international system where everyone benefited, where there really wasn't that feeling of beggar thy neighbor, zero-sum game, where everyone went into a competitive spiral, which then ends up in nationalism and war. We were trying to build something different. And we thought, you know,

to Europe and East Asia, to Japan and South Korea. And the reason we did that was we were trying to build an international system where everyone benefited, where there really wasn't that feeling of beggar thy neighbor, zero-sum game, where everyone went into a competitive spiral, which then ends up in nationalism and war. We were trying to build something different. And we thought, you know,