Jennifer Burns

And I mean, he's just tremendously unpopular, particularly in all the educated precincts where Friedman lives. So Friedman is like... an outcast and a pariah for his support of Goldwater. And so that actually really affects monetarism because people feel that this is now becoming a package deal.

And I mean, he's just tremendously unpopular, particularly in all the educated precincts where Friedman lives. So Friedman is like... an outcast and a pariah for his support of Goldwater. And so that actually really affects monetarism because people feel that this is now becoming a package deal.

And so there's a great reluctance to embrace Friedman's ideas because it seems like you would then have to embrace his politics.

And so there's a great reluctance to embrace Friedman's ideas because it seems like you would then have to embrace his politics.

And so there's a great reluctance to embrace Friedman's ideas because it seems like you would then have to embrace his politics.

So this is the years when conservatism, there is a movement that calls itself conservatism. And Friedman is very tightly allied with this movement from the beginning, partly through his friendship with William F. Buckley. And a lot of people say to me, yeah, but Friedman's not conservative. And this is like a bigger, you have a whole separate podcast on this.

So this is the years when conservatism, there is a movement that calls itself conservatism. And Friedman is very tightly allied with this movement from the beginning, partly through his friendship with William F. Buckley. And a lot of people say to me, yeah, but Friedman's not conservative. And this is like a bigger, you have a whole separate podcast on this.

So this is the years when conservatism, there is a movement that calls itself conservatism. And Friedman is very tightly allied with this movement from the beginning, partly through his friendship with William F. Buckley. And a lot of people say to me, yeah, but Friedman's not conservative. And this is like a bigger, you have a whole separate podcast on this.

But for now, I'll just say that conservative in the United States becomes a political brand that contains elements of conservatism that are recognizable across time and space, embrace of tradition. more comfort with hierarchy, et cetera.

But for now, I'll just say that conservative in the United States becomes a political brand that contains elements of conservatism that are recognizable across time and space, embrace of tradition. more comfort with hierarchy, et cetera.

But for now, I'll just say that conservative in the United States becomes a political brand that contains elements of conservatism that are recognizable across time and space, embrace of tradition. more comfort with hierarchy, et cetera.

And it also has something new and different, which is Friedman's ideas about Milton Friedman's advocacy of more free markets, less government regulation, and the benefits of capitalism and the benefits of freedom. And that gets folded into American conservatism in part because Milton Friedman is such a powerful intellectual figure. And after his advocacy of Goldwater, media realizes that

And it also has something new and different, which is Friedman's ideas about Milton Friedman's advocacy of more free markets, less government regulation, and the benefits of capitalism and the benefits of freedom. And that gets folded into American conservatism in part because Milton Friedman is such a powerful intellectual figure. And after his advocacy of Goldwater, media realizes that

And it also has something new and different, which is Friedman's ideas about Milton Friedman's advocacy of more free markets, less government regulation, and the benefits of capitalism and the benefits of freedom. And that gets folded into American conservatism in part because Milton Friedman is such a powerful intellectual figure. And after his advocacy of Goldwater, media realizes that

This guy's really smart. He has really interesting things to say. He makes great copy. He makes a great guest. And he starts writing a column for Newsweek magazine, which is a very big deal in a much more consolidated media environment. And he's quoted in all the newspapers.

This guy's really smart. He has really interesting things to say. He makes great copy. He makes a great guest. And he starts writing a column for Newsweek magazine, which is a very big deal in a much more consolidated media environment. And he's quoted in all the newspapers.

This guy's really smart. He has really interesting things to say. He makes great copy. He makes a great guest. And he starts writing a column for Newsweek magazine, which is a very big deal in a much more consolidated media environment. And he's quoted in all the newspapers.

And so his public profile really starts to rise right as he's pushing monetarism as an alternative to the Keynesian synthesis.

And so his public profile really starts to rise right as he's pushing monetarism as an alternative to the Keynesian synthesis.

And so his public profile really starts to rise right as he's pushing monetarism as an alternative to the Keynesian synthesis.