Jennifer Burns

And so, interestingly, that's what happened in the emergency situation of COVID, right? That's exactly what people did. They followed that model. We just get money out quick. And there's a lot of discussion still about UBI is something that should be done.

And I think it's always going to be hard to pull off because I think Americans and their elected representatives don't want to provide a universal benefit. They want to provide a targeted benefit because they believe there's like a moral component here. And Friedman. advanced a policy that was really abstract and really just, you know, kind of, it was devoid of judgment.

And I think it's always going to be hard to pull off because I think Americans and their elected representatives don't want to provide a universal benefit. They want to provide a targeted benefit because they believe there's like a moral component here. And Friedman. advanced a policy that was really abstract and really just, you know, kind of, it was devoid of judgment.

And I think it's always going to be hard to pull off because I think Americans and their elected representatives don't want to provide a universal benefit. They want to provide a targeted benefit because they believe there's like a moral component here. And Friedman. advanced a policy that was really abstract and really just, you know, kind of, it was devoid of judgment.

It was like pure and beautiful in that way, but like utterly impractical.

It was like pure and beautiful in that way, but like utterly impractical.

It was like pure and beautiful in that way, but like utterly impractical.

Yeah, exactly. You could say, okay, but how does this not interfere with the market, right? If you provide people with a minimum income, won't that change their incentives to work? Yeah. I mean, there's a big body of research on this. Most of it seems to show, one, it's way better than the current benefits cliff where you have to not work to get your benefits.

Yeah, exactly. You could say, okay, but how does this not interfere with the market, right? If you provide people with a minimum income, won't that change their incentives to work? Yeah. I mean, there's a big body of research on this. Most of it seems to show, one, it's way better than the current benefits cliff where you have to not work to get your benefits.

Yeah, exactly. You could say, okay, but how does this not interfere with the market, right? If you provide people with a minimum income, won't that change their incentives to work? Yeah. I mean, there's a big body of research on this. Most of it seems to show, one, it's way better than the current benefits cliff where you have to not work to get your benefits.

And any incentive impact on working seems to be much lower than would be expected. But I'll let the, you know, the economists and the social scientists fight that one out and figure it out empirically. Hopefully we should be able to.

And any incentive impact on working seems to be much lower than would be expected. But I'll let the, you know, the economists and the social scientists fight that one out and figure it out empirically. Hopefully we should be able to.

And any incentive impact on working seems to be much lower than would be expected. But I'll let the, you know, the economists and the social scientists fight that one out and figure it out empirically. Hopefully we should be able to.

Right.

Right.

Right.

So I was really thinking of that in terms of kind of American political identities and particularly the 20th century conservative movement, which, you know, people are always saying this isn't conservatism. And I'm saying, yes, in America, conservatism is different. It looks different. It feels different. Conservatism in America builds in a big component of what we could call libertarianism.

So I was really thinking of that in terms of kind of American political identities and particularly the 20th century conservative movement, which, you know, people are always saying this isn't conservatism. And I'm saying, yes, in America, conservatism is different. It looks different. It feels different. Conservatism in America builds in a big component of what we could call libertarianism.

So I was really thinking of that in terms of kind of American political identities and particularly the 20th century conservative movement, which, you know, people are always saying this isn't conservatism. And I'm saying, yes, in America, conservatism is different. It looks different. It feels different. Conservatism in America builds in a big component of what we could call libertarianism.

pro-capitalism, anti-government ideas. And critics will say, but conservatism is about conserving institutions and practices, and it has a role for the state and an organic community. But in the United States, it's always had, since the 20th century, also this anti-statist role. let's let the market rip. Let's not worry about what the market does to establish traditions.