Jennifer Burns

I mean, that is the thing that it's hard, especially like for, you know, for the students I teach today to be like, you know, there were arguments about ideas and conservatives won a bunch of them, you know, and that happened in the 70s and late 1960s to 1970s when they, you know, one set of arguments was about economics.

I mean, that is the thing that it's hard, especially like for, you know, for the students I teach today to be like, you know, there were arguments about ideas and conservatives won a bunch of them, you know, and that happened in the 70s and late 1960s to 1970s when they, you know, one set of arguments was about economics.

I mean, that is the thing that it's hard, especially like for, you know, for the students I teach today to be like, you know, there were arguments about ideas and conservatives won a bunch of them, you know, and that happened in the 70s and late 1960s to 1970s when they, you know, one set of arguments was about economics.

Like, okay, this idea of stimulating the economy by spending more, it has a downside. The downside is called inflation, right? And the downside's called too much regulation. And, you know, you've gone too far in kind of bottling up the actual sources of economic growth and dynamism, and we have to let those free. In social policy, there was also a critique.

Like, okay, this idea of stimulating the economy by spending more, it has a downside. The downside is called inflation, right? And the downside's called too much regulation. And, you know, you've gone too far in kind of bottling up the actual sources of economic growth and dynamism, and we have to let those free. In social policy, there was also a critique.

Like, okay, this idea of stimulating the economy by spending more, it has a downside. The downside is called inflation, right? And the downside's called too much regulation. And, you know, you've gone too far in kind of bottling up the actual sources of economic growth and dynamism, and we have to let those free. In social policy, there was also a critique.

The Great Society had all these ideas of ending poverty, and people came and analyzed them and said, the programs aren't helping. In some ways, you've actually created engines to trap people in poverty because you've given them a benefit and said if they actually start to work, they lose the benefit. You've created all these perverse incentives. And these ideas were fought out.

The Great Society had all these ideas of ending poverty, and people came and analyzed them and said, the programs aren't helping. In some ways, you've actually created engines to trap people in poverty because you've given them a benefit and said if they actually start to work, they lose the benefit. You've created all these perverse incentives. And these ideas were fought out.

The Great Society had all these ideas of ending poverty, and people came and analyzed them and said, the programs aren't helping. In some ways, you've actually created engines to trap people in poverty because you've given them a benefit and said if they actually start to work, they lose the benefit. You've created all these perverse incentives. And these ideas were fought out.

They were empirical. They were controversial. And they were based on really deep research and really deep argumentation. It seems that era has passed. It seems like we're driven much more quickly by moods rather than thought through ideas.

They were empirical. They were controversial. And they were based on really deep research and really deep argumentation. It seems that era has passed. It seems like we're driven much more quickly by moods rather than thought through ideas.

They were empirical. They were controversial. And they were based on really deep research and really deep argumentation. It seems that era has passed. It seems like we're driven much more quickly by moods rather than thought through ideas.

Right now, it seems like the ideas come after they follow the political mood and try to put together the underpinning of it, where it really was the opposite for much of the 20th century.

Right now, it seems like the ideas come after they follow the political mood and try to put together the underpinning of it, where it really was the opposite for much of the 20th century.

Right now, it seems like the ideas come after they follow the political mood and try to put together the underpinning of it, where it really was the opposite for much of the 20th century.

Right.

Right.

Right.

Right, exactly. So if we think of the evolution of conservatism, it was a whole set of ideas that was crafted, refined, the 1950s, 1960s, 1970s, sort of really found their emotional standard bearer, translator, salesperson in Ronald Reagan, who incidentally had been following these ideas as they developed and had been honing his ability to express them and apply them politically. Right.

Right, exactly. So if we think of the evolution of conservatism, it was a whole set of ideas that was crafted, refined, the 1950s, 1960s, 1970s, sort of really found their emotional standard bearer, translator, salesperson in Ronald Reagan, who incidentally had been following these ideas as they developed and had been honing his ability to express them and apply them politically. Right.