Matthew Goodwin
speaker
155 appearances
2 recordings
2 series
first heard Feb 2025
last heard Mar 2025
Matthew Goodwin’s voice in public audio — every appearance, attributed to the second.
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Appearances
serious academics, people like Professor Jan van de Beek, have shown this. The influx of low-skill, low-wage migration from the Middle East and Africa is a net fiscal cost to European economies, right? If you looked at it simply through the lens of a cost-benefit analysis, you would simply say, this makes no sense. We've got to radically change the way we're dealing with migration.
Yet still, the elite class won't change it. So obviously, this is about the accruing social status for themselves.
But there's something else going on here too, which is the enforcement of these taboos within our conversation around migration, around, you know, what John McWhorter and others would call the new religion, the sacred values that we cannot question, pro net zero, pro migration, pro diversity in all of its forms.
And that's exactly why, for example, Jordan, we didn't get to the bottom of the rape gangs crisis because it was people's fears within the elite institutions of being seen to be racist, being seen to be conservative, being seen to be Islamophobic or whatever word you want to, whatever term you want to choose, which stopped people from getting to the truth.
So the imposition of these taboos, the imposition of these social norms of trying to tightly control racism the national conversation through hate laws, through these Orwellian things we have in the UK called non-crime hate incidents, which again are sort of police measures that are designed to stifle debate and discussion. All of this, I think, is about
controlling the supply of information, stigmatizing alternative opposition to the elite project, and trying to use these taboos to basically impose this elite project from above. And the losers, of course, are ordinary people who are asking themselves questions like, well, why are tens of thousands, if not hundreds of thousands, of young white working class girls being raped
in Great Britain and nobody talked about it for 30 years? Like, that's a question a lot of people in this country are asking. Why didn't the legacy media? do anything about this.
And by the way, a legacy media in this country that is now complaining about Elon Musk talking about it, whereas the reality is if legacy media had been doing its job by actually pursuing truth and taking the rumors seriously from the 1980s,
about girls being put on heroin and cocaine and alcohol and being gang raped in northern towns across this country and being trafficked from one town to the next. If journalists had taken that seriously, we wouldn't have had, according to one MP, she estimates perhaps up to a million children from the 1980s have been abused to some extent by these gangs. And the enforcement of these taboos
It's going on today, which is what makes it so remarkable. Even after the rape gang scandal, we've got a Labour Prime Minister, Keir Starmer, who's now come out and said, well, if you want to discuss the rape gangs, if you want to ask questions about the rape gangs, I'm not going to give you a national inquiry.
into this issue, but also, and I quote directly, you are jumping on the far right bandwagon if you're talking about this issue. So again, it's an attempt to control the conversation, to suppress dissent, to suppress opposition. And ultimately, I think it is partly about individual social status, but it is also about maintaining and protecting this ideological project.
I think fundamentally, that's what it's about.
Well, I think over the last 50 years... My view is that the nature of status fundamentally changed. It moved away from wealth and resource into the realm of ideology and belief. And that became a key indicator for the elite class to accrue status, to say, actually, it's not just that I've got a butler, I've got a house, I've got wealth, I've got money.
It's that, you know, I know the vocabulary of radical progressivism. I know what white privilege means. And I, you know... I know what white guilt means, and I'm going to latch onto this sacred religion and ensure other people have to hear the word and do the work. I think that's part of it.
Go ahead. Just something on that. I think something else happened too, though. And ultimately, it depends on whether you view the radical progressive takeover, which I personally think has peaked. I think it's now in retreat. I think Trump has got... the woke ideology, whatever your favorite term, I think it's on the back foot. But if you ask yourself, well, why did it emerge?
I think there are those who say it is a kind of radicalization of cultural Marxism and so on. But there are those, Eric Kaufman among others, who I'm persuaded by, who say, no, actually, this is a radicalization of liberalism. This isn't cultural Marxism. This is the inevitable extension of liberalism, which became so consumed
with minority rights and emotional harm, that particularly within universities, emotional safetyism, protecting minorities, racial, sexual, and gender minorities from harm, from perceived emotional harm, was basically prioritized over the pursuit of truth, objective science, objective knowledge, and that just filtered through everything.
And the moment the North Star became this notion of harm, of protecting people from harm, Everything trickled down from that. Now, that's what I saw in universities. It's what I see in left and right in politics, this endless obsession with DEI, this endless obsession with anti-racism training, this endless obsession with apologizing for what happened 500 years ago.
It is, I think, fundamentally this sacralization of minorities that is lying at the heart of this ideological revolution.
I was gonna say that.
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