Michael Shellenberger

And but she describes now so she defines nationalism. The picture that people have of nationalism is completely wrong. Yes. She describes nationalism as a sovereign community of fundamentally equal individuals who have a shared identity. And so she's like nationalism is fundamentally democratic. Now, you might have some systems that are nationalist, but they don't have proper democracy.

But really, the basic idea is that egalitarian idea that we're Americans, we live here, we have the same solidarity. I've also become – I'll come back to the Greenfield, but I've also been obsessed with Hannah Arendt, who I had never read until recently. I don't think you're allowed to read her anymore. Well, I know.

But really, the basic idea is that egalitarian idea that we're Americans, we live here, we have the same solidarity. I've also become – I'll come back to the Greenfield, but I've also been obsessed with Hannah Arendt, who I had never read until recently. I don't think you're allowed to read her anymore. Well, I know.

But really, the basic idea is that egalitarian idea that we're Americans, we live here, we have the same solidarity. I've also become – I'll come back to the Greenfield, but I've also been obsessed with Hannah Arendt, who I had never read until recently. I don't think you're allowed to read her anymore. Well, I know.

She's too honest. Well, yeah, yeah. She was very, well, it's really in, I read her two books. One is the On Totalitarianism book and the other one is Eichmann in Jerusalem. Eichmann in Jerusalem, it's rough because she describes how the Jewish council participated with the Nazis. I mean, that was what was really controversial there.

She's too honest. Well, yeah, yeah. She was very, well, it's really in, I read her two books. One is the On Totalitarianism book and the other one is Eichmann in Jerusalem. Eichmann in Jerusalem, it's rough because she describes how the Jewish council participated with the Nazis. I mean, that was what was really controversial there.

She's too honest. Well, yeah, yeah. She was very, well, it's really in, I read her two books. One is the On Totalitarianism book and the other one is Eichmann in Jerusalem. Eichmann in Jerusalem, it's rough because she describes how the Jewish council participated with the Nazis. I mean, that was what was really controversial there.

But what really blew me away from reading Hannah Arendt, because I was coming to the nationalism conversation. I mean, self-confession, because I should have been reading nationalism starting in 2016.

But what really blew me away from reading Hannah Arendt, because I was coming to the nationalism conversation. I mean, self-confession, because I should have been reading nationalism starting in 2016.

But what really blew me away from reading Hannah Arendt, because I was coming to the nationalism conversation. I mean, self-confession, because I should have been reading nationalism starting in 2016.

But, you know, I finally was reading on it and it was like, she was like, nationalism is a barrier to totalitarianism because totalitarianism is attempting to destroy all relationships between people other than the relationship with the state. Exactly. Exactly. And so religion, nationalism, you know, the classic de Tocqueville associative ties. You know, all of that is a threat to totalitarianism.

But, you know, I finally was reading on it and it was like, she was like, nationalism is a barrier to totalitarianism because totalitarianism is attempting to destroy all relationships between people other than the relationship with the state. Exactly. Exactly. And so religion, nationalism, you know, the classic de Tocqueville associative ties. You know, all of that is a threat to totalitarianism.

But, you know, I finally was reading on it and it was like, she was like, nationalism is a barrier to totalitarianism because totalitarianism is attempting to destroy all relationships between people other than the relationship with the state. Exactly. Exactly. And so religion, nationalism, you know, the classic de Tocqueville associative ties. You know, all of that is a threat to totalitarianism.

And so that really struck me. And Leah Greenfield kind of, she has, I just interviewed her, so she has like a difference of opinion with Arendt on this issue. But nonetheless, I was just struck by how

And so that really struck me. And Leah Greenfield kind of, she has, I just interviewed her, so she has like a difference of opinion with Arendt on this issue. But nonetheless, I was just struck by how

And so that really struck me. And Leah Greenfield kind of, she has, I just interviewed her, so she has like a difference of opinion with Arendt on this issue. But nonetheless, I was just struck by how

I don't know what the right, I must like, like for me, like nationalism, because I come from the left, you know, from the radical left, and we would code our socialist yearnings as the public interest.

I don't know what the right, I must like, like for me, like nationalism, because I come from the left, you know, from the radical left, and we would code our socialist yearnings as the public interest.

I don't know what the right, I must like, like for me, like nationalism, because I come from the left, you know, from the radical left, and we would code our socialist yearnings as the public interest.

You know, Ralph Nader kind of took all of the Chomsky and left-wing views of the early 60s and packaged them for moderate, he kind of made it all seem very reasonable, you know, and the environmentalists did the same thing. So the brilliance of the left in general, but the radical left in particular, Was of just cross-dressing as mainstream issues.