Michael Shellenberger

She's too honest. Well, yeah, yeah. She was very, well, it's really in, I read her two books. One is the On Totalitarianism book and the other one is Eichmann in Jerusalem. Eichmann in Jerusalem, it's rough because she describes how the Jewish council participated with the Nazis. I mean, that was what was really controversial there.

But what really blew me away from reading Hannah Arendt, because I was coming to the nationalism conversation. I mean, self-confession, because I should have been reading nationalism starting in 2016.

But what really blew me away from reading Hannah Arendt, because I was coming to the nationalism conversation. I mean, self-confession, because I should have been reading nationalism starting in 2016.

But what really blew me away from reading Hannah Arendt, because I was coming to the nationalism conversation. I mean, self-confession, because I should have been reading nationalism starting in 2016.

But, you know, I finally was reading on it and it was like, she was like, nationalism is a barrier to totalitarianism because totalitarianism is attempting to destroy all relationships between people other than the relationship with the state. Exactly. Exactly. And so religion, nationalism, you know, the classic de Tocqueville associative ties. You know, all of that is a threat to totalitarianism.

But, you know, I finally was reading on it and it was like, she was like, nationalism is a barrier to totalitarianism because totalitarianism is attempting to destroy all relationships between people other than the relationship with the state. Exactly. Exactly. And so religion, nationalism, you know, the classic de Tocqueville associative ties. You know, all of that is a threat to totalitarianism.

But, you know, I finally was reading on it and it was like, she was like, nationalism is a barrier to totalitarianism because totalitarianism is attempting to destroy all relationships between people other than the relationship with the state. Exactly. Exactly. And so religion, nationalism, you know, the classic de Tocqueville associative ties. You know, all of that is a threat to totalitarianism.

And so that really struck me. And Leah Greenfield kind of, she has, I just interviewed her, so she has like a difference of opinion with Arendt on this issue. But nonetheless, I was just struck by how

And so that really struck me. And Leah Greenfield kind of, she has, I just interviewed her, so she has like a difference of opinion with Arendt on this issue. But nonetheless, I was just struck by how

And so that really struck me. And Leah Greenfield kind of, she has, I just interviewed her, so she has like a difference of opinion with Arendt on this issue. But nonetheless, I was just struck by how

I don't know what the right, I must like, like for me, like nationalism, because I come from the left, you know, from the radical left, and we would code our socialist yearnings as the public interest.

I don't know what the right, I must like, like for me, like nationalism, because I come from the left, you know, from the radical left, and we would code our socialist yearnings as the public interest.

I don't know what the right, I must like, like for me, like nationalism, because I come from the left, you know, from the radical left, and we would code our socialist yearnings as the public interest.

You know, Ralph Nader kind of took all of the Chomsky and left-wing views of the early 60s and packaged them for moderate, he kind of made it all seem very reasonable, you know, and the environmentalists did the same thing. So the brilliance of the left in general, but the radical left in particular, Was of just cross-dressing as mainstream issues.

You know, Ralph Nader kind of took all of the Chomsky and left-wing views of the early 60s and packaged them for moderate, he kind of made it all seem very reasonable, you know, and the environmentalists did the same thing. So the brilliance of the left in general, but the radical left in particular, Was of just cross-dressing as mainstream issues.

You know, Ralph Nader kind of took all of the Chomsky and left-wing views of the early 60s and packaged them for moderate, he kind of made it all seem very reasonable, you know, and the environmentalists did the same thing. So the brilliance of the left in general, but the radical left in particular, Was of just cross-dressing as mainstream issues.

So, it became... So, really, what is the socialist movement became a consumer rights public interest. The women's rights movement. Yep. And you get these really radical ideologies. I mean, I'm just obsessed with this... The ways in which, like... So, Marxism... You look back on it, it's like, wow, I can't believe the things I believed in.

So, it became... So, really, what is the socialist movement became a consumer rights public interest. The women's rights movement. Yep. And you get these really radical ideologies. I mean, I'm just obsessed with this... The ways in which, like... So, Marxism... You look back on it, it's like, wow, I can't believe the things I believed in.

So, it became... So, really, what is the socialist movement became a consumer rights public interest. The women's rights movement. Yep. And you get these really radical ideologies. I mean, I'm just obsessed with this... The ways in which, like... So, Marxism... You look back on it, it's like, wow, I can't believe the things I believed in.

Marxism has this idea that the capitalists, like what's distinct about them is that they're just super greedy and they're thieves and that they're stealing from their workers. And there's really no difference between the entrepreneur, the capitalist entrepreneur like Elon Musk or Thomas Edison or Henry Ford and their workers. They're just meaner and they steal from them.