Oren Cass

It feels incoherent. I'm going to take 10% of Intel. You know what? I'll let you sell chips to China, but you've got to give me a cut of that. Oh, also, I'm going to put 50% tariffs on Brazil, because I don't really like the way they've treated Bolsonaro. And you sort of can't wrap your mind around what we are and how they're designing these policies, not as correctives for pendulum swings or societal ills,

but as kind of impulse, like giant baby impulse. Well, I think what you have with the Trump administration is President Trump. Right? I mean, I think... Fair enough, fair point, fair point.

To my point, you know, in parallel to my point to the left about taking as a baseline reality that you have the lobbyists, there's also a baseline reality that the head of the executive branch is Donald Trump. And Trump is someone who, as you just described,

It tends to go in a lot of different directions. I call it tantronomics. Tantronomics. Tantronomics. It's important to say I think what's so fascinating about him as such a non-ideological person is that I think that actually had some real benefits in his willingness to reject everything that had been standard republican dogma.

Siinä ei ollut kukaan toisensa... Mutta sitä ei voinut vaihtaa niilistiikasta. Se on oikea. Se, mitä minä aina käyttäisin, on rakentamisen metafori, joka tarkoittaa sitä, että rauhallisuus on tärkeä osa rakentamisen prosessista.

If all you do is demolition and then go find the next thing to demolish, you're less likely to be remembered as a great builder. I see. So you're saying right now we're in the east wing part of our economy, but we haven't yet gotten to the ballroom.

Olemme odottaneet, että tulemme järjestelmään. Luulen, että on varmasti oikea sanoa, että on ollut paljon ristiriitaa. Tämä on mielenkiintoista, kun mainitsit, että otetaan 10 % tästä yrityksestä ja niin edelleen. Se, mitä näet tämän perusteellisen tasolle, on todennäköisesti vaihtoehto tuohon, että teemme ympäristöpolitiikkaa.

tai valtionlaajuisen kapitalismin. Mutta kun menemme nyt tällä hetkellä, niin miten voidaan vähentää sellaista kleptokraattia, joka tuottaa presidentin henkilökohtaisia? On hyvin vaikeaa katsoa jokaisen ekonomin rebalanssia, kun ihmiset voivat sanoa, että presidentti on hyödyntänyt 4 miljoonan dollarin aikana.

At the base of this, we have to preserve what kind of got America to this point, which is a baseline of there are stable rules of the road that we will honor, that allow for... They always say in the economy, the worst thing is uncertainty. Have we lost that...

That was our gold standard. And before we can even tackle the kinds of remedies that you're talking about, don't we need to rebuild kind of that baseline stability?

Kyllä. Mielestäni se on erittäin tärkeä asia, että kun ajattelemme poliittisen ja ekonomin yhteyttä, tämä on yksi asia, joka oli niin loppunut. On hauskaa, että ekonomista ei olisi aiemmin ollut. Se oli kutsuttu poliittiseen ekonomiin.

People called Adam Smith a political economist, and it was only really in the 20th century that you defined this separate field of economics, which was just with math and abstract models and so forth, we can kind of say what should be done.

When in reality the political dimension is almost always inseparable, certainly at the level of what should we be doing. But don't economists try and have it both ways. I have to say, you know, one of the things that felt disingenuous about, we talked to Richard Thaler last week, which by the way, I love talking to that. I thought it was a great conversation, but there were a lot of economists that were really pissed, not at him, at me for ignorance and all kinds of other things.

mutta yksi asia, josta he olivat pysyneet, oli se, että he eivät ymmärtäneet eroja ekonomisessa ja poliisissa, mutta eivät he halua sitä molemmilla tavoilla, koska he eivät vain tutkia sitä vihreällä talvella ja laittaa sen terrariumille. He ovat ruumiin, kun nämä poliitit on tehty. He ovat erittäin influenssivaisia suunnittelemaan ekonomiamme parametreja. Ja jos kritisitsee sitä,

Ne ovat, jos voin sanoa, hyvin huonoja ihmisiä. He ovat hyvin huonoja ihmisiä. Kyllä. Olen täysin samaa mieltä. Luulen, että keskustelussa kutsumme niitä mottin ja Baileyin. Oletko yliopistossa mottin ja Baileyin? En ole yliopistossa mottin ja Baileyin. Kertoisitko mottin ja Baileyin? Minä haluaisin mottin ja Baileyin.

The Mont Bailey is the configuration of a medieval village that had, I might get them backwards, but I believe the motte was the small fortress on top of the hill. And then the Bailey was the sort of open village area that everybody preferred to live in. And so you lived out in the Bailey. And then if, you know, the barbarians were attacking, you could retreat into the motte.

Hyvä muutoksen. Hyvin suunniteltu. Siinä se on. Motta ja Baileyn argumentti on se, että joudut käsittelemään ja tekemään erittäin yksilöllisiä kuvauskohtia ja saada hyvää aikaa. Sitten kun itse asiassa saadaan hakemaan, joudut käsittelemään tämän paljon vahvempaan asiaan, jonka voit vahvistaa.

And then when you're in your mot, you yell insults at anybody who dares. That's right, like the Monty Python. Yes. And then, but as importantly, as soon as the attackers have gone, all right, fine, and moved on, you spread right back out again into your bailey. Well, they've been bailing my mot, and I don't like it, buddy.

If you're like me, you're a victim of your own inertia. The body at rest stays at rest. If I got something I'm doing, I just keep doing it. Does it matter that it's better? No. Does it matter that it's worse? Probably not. I just keep doing it. Slogging along like a snail. Moving through the garden of life.

It's actually pretty dark. But the point is, that's what screws me on telephone bills. Stop paying for too much wireless just because, I don't know, that's just what I do. It's how it's always been. That's just my company. Mint exists purely to fix that. Same coverage, same speed, just without the inflated price tag. You can change your coverage, people.