Peter Thiel

And again, it's a very long-term extrapolation. But the claim is... that just, you know, once you flip it, it kicks in all these social and political dimensions that are then like, yeah, maybe it got flipped by the screens or the plastics or, you know, the drugs or other stuff. But once it's flipped, you change the whole society and it actually stays flipped and it's very, very hard to undo.

And again, it's a very long-term extrapolation. But the claim is... that just, you know, once you flip it, it kicks in all these social and political dimensions that are then like, yeah, maybe it got flipped by the screens or the plastics or, you know, the drugs or other stuff. But once it's flipped, you change the whole society and it actually stays flipped and it's very, very hard to undo.

And again, it's a very long-term extrapolation. But the claim is... that just, you know, once you flip it, it kicks in all these social and political dimensions that are then like, yeah, maybe it got flipped by the screens or the plastics or, you know, the drugs or other stuff. But once it's flipped, you change the whole society and it actually stays flipped and it's very, very hard to undo.

That makes sense.

That makes sense.

That makes sense.

But then, you know, always the... But then, you know, the weird history on this was, you know, it was 50 years ago or whatever, 1968, Paul Ehrlich writes The Population Bomb. And it's just the population is just going to exponentially grow exponentially. And yeah, in theory, you can have exponential growth where it doubles. You can have exponential decay where it halves every generation.

But then, you know, always the... But then, you know, the weird history on this was, you know, it was 50 years ago or whatever, 1968, Paul Ehrlich writes The Population Bomb. And it's just the population is just going to exponentially grow exponentially. And yeah, in theory, you can have exponential growth where it doubles. You can have exponential decay where it halves every generation.

But then, you know, always the... But then, you know, the weird history on this was, you know, it was 50 years ago or whatever, 1968, Paul Ehrlich writes The Population Bomb. And it's just the population is just going to exponentially grow exponentially. And yeah, in theory, you can have exponential growth where it doubles. You can have exponential decay where it halves every generation.

And then in theory, there's some stable equilibrium where everybody has exactly two kids and it's completely stable. But it turns out that... that solution is very, very hard to get calibrated. And we shifted from exponential growth to exponential decay, and it's probably going to be quite Herculean to get back to something like stasis.

And then in theory, there's some stable equilibrium where everybody has exactly two kids and it's completely stable. But it turns out that... that solution is very, very hard to get calibrated. And we shifted from exponential growth to exponential decay, and it's probably going to be quite Herculean to get back to something like stasis.

And then in theory, there's some stable equilibrium where everybody has exactly two kids and it's completely stable. But it turns out that... that solution is very, very hard to get calibrated. And we shifted from exponential growth to exponential decay, and it's probably going to be quite Herculean to get back to something like stasis.

Yeah, it's always sort of idiosyncratic. There's always things that are idiosyncratic. to the society, so it's extremely polarized on the gender. On the gender thing and, you know, if you get married with kids, you're pushed into this super traditional structure. The women don't want to be in that structure. They opt out.

Yeah, it's always sort of idiosyncratic. There's always things that are idiosyncratic. to the society, so it's extremely polarized on the gender. On the gender thing and, you know, if you get married with kids, you're pushed into this super traditional structure. The women don't want to be in that structure. They opt out.

Yeah, it's always sort of idiosyncratic. There's always things that are idiosyncratic. to the society, so it's extremely polarized on the gender. On the gender thing and, you know, if you get married with kids, you're pushed into this super traditional structure. The women don't want to be in that structure. They opt out.

And so there are sort of idiosyncratic things you can say about East Asia and Confucian societies and the way they're not interacting well with modernity. But then, you know, there's a part of it where I wonder whether it's just an extreme – you know, extreme version of it.

And so there are sort of idiosyncratic things you can say about East Asia and Confucian societies and the way they're not interacting well with modernity. But then, you know, there's a part of it where I wonder whether it's just an extreme – you know, extreme version of it.

And so there are sort of idiosyncratic things you can say about East Asia and Confucian societies and the way they're not interacting well with modernity. But then, you know, there's a part of it where I wonder whether it's just an extreme – you know, extreme version of it.

And then, I don't know, you know, my somewhat facile answer is always, you know, on this stuff is I don't know what to do about these things, but my facile answer is always the first step is to talk about them. And if you can't even talk about them, we're never going to solve them. And then maybe that's only the small first step, but that's always sort of my facile answer. I was in South Korea,

And then, I don't know, you know, my somewhat facile answer is always, you know, on this stuff is I don't know what to do about these things, but my facile answer is always the first step is to talk about them. And if you can't even talk about them, we're never going to solve them. And then maybe that's only the small first step, but that's always sort of my facile answer. I was in South Korea,