Quinta Jurecic

And if what you want to say is we need to have greater executive control of, you know, unitary executive control of the government, we want to limit the power of unelected bureaucrats, so on and so forth. If you were saying that in good faith, I don't think that this is the way that you would carry out that project. Right.

And if what you want to say is we need to have greater executive control of, you know, unitary executive control of the government, we want to limit the power of unelected bureaucrats, so on and so forth. If you were saying that in good faith, I don't think that this is the way that you would carry out that project. Right.

Because what you have seen now is just wholesale destruction in a way that is going to be very, very hard to build back. And you could have made an argument for, you know, slimming down these agencies, having more political employees, increasing the president's ability to fire individuals leading these agencies at will in a way that did not need to involve this kind of smash and grab effort.

Because what you have seen now is just wholesale destruction in a way that is going to be very, very hard to build back. And you could have made an argument for, you know, slimming down these agencies, having more political employees, increasing the president's ability to fire individuals leading these agencies at will in a way that did not need to involve this kind of smash and grab effort.

So then you say, is this an example of an administration that, you know, comes in, wants to push a, let's say, kindly, extremely aggressive, I think unkindly and perhaps more accurately, extra-constitutional vision of executive authority, and sort of comes out swinging and says, we're going to cut off all this money, you know, Come see us in court.

So then you say, is this an example of an administration that, you know, comes in, wants to push a, let's say, kindly, extremely aggressive, I think unkindly and perhaps more accurately, extra-constitutional vision of executive authority, and sort of comes out swinging and says, we're going to cut off all this money, you know, Come see us in court.

The court's going to give us an order and we're going to disobey it and we're going to kind of push forward in that way. Or is it an example of total carelessness and total incompetence? And I think the answer is probably somewhere in the middle.

The court's going to give us an order and we're going to disobey it and we're going to kind of push forward in that way. Or is it an example of total carelessness and total incompetence? And I think the answer is probably somewhere in the middle.

There are reasons to think certainly that this administration has been motivated in a lot of its actions, particularly in the OMB actions, by this kind of extra constitutional vision of executive authority.

There are reasons to think certainly that this administration has been motivated in a lot of its actions, particularly in the OMB actions, by this kind of extra constitutional vision of executive authority.

But it is also true that if you were, you know, an evil genius and you wanted to pursue that vision in such a way that would kind of get the courts on your side, this is not how you would have done that.

But it is also true that if you were, you know, an evil genius and you wanted to pursue that vision in such a way that would kind of get the courts on your side, this is not how you would have done that.

Well, I don't want to sound too confident because I was also confident that they would not give Trump the time of day on the immunity issue. And wow, was I wrong about that. So I do think that I want to speak with a certain level of humility here that the way that I at least understand the court has really changed since the immunity decision, frankly. Yeah.

Well, I don't want to sound too confident because I was also confident that they would not give Trump the time of day on the immunity issue. And wow, was I wrong about that. So I do think that I want to speak with a certain level of humility here that the way that I at least understand the court has really changed since the immunity decision, frankly. Yeah.

My metric at this point for whether Trump can get something through the court is, and I'm going to say this and it's going to sound flippant, but I really do mean it sincerely, whether or not John Roberts thinks that somebody has been rude.

My metric at this point for whether Trump can get something through the court is, and I'm going to say this and it's going to sound flippant, but I really do mean it sincerely, whether or not John Roberts thinks that somebody has been rude.

And what I mean by that is that in the first Trump administration, there were a number of things that the administration tried to get through that the Roberts Court barred, including the DACA rescission, for example, the effort to add a citizenship question to the census. These are examples where the court kind of looked at them and said, like, come on, you've got to do better than that.

And what I mean by that is that in the first Trump administration, there were a number of things that the administration tried to get through that the Roberts Court barred, including the DACA rescission, for example, the effort to add a citizenship question to the census. These are examples where the court kind of looked at them and said, like, come on, you've got to do better than that.

At least, for the love of God, give us some kind of an administrative record here. Don't just show up and say, I did this because I wanted to. I think that what happened in the immunity decision was in part that Trump's offenses were farther in the rearview mirror.

At least, for the love of God, give us some kind of an administrative record here. Don't just show up and say, I did this because I wanted to. I think that what happened in the immunity decision was in part that Trump's offenses were farther in the rearview mirror.