Serhii Plokhy

Estonians do that as well. The difference is that when Ukrainians go back, they go back to the pre-1917, the intellectual fathers and writings of basically liberal nationalism. Or sometimes they go to the radical nationalism of Bandera, which would be not pre-1917, but pre-1945. When the Russians go to pre-Bolshevik past, looking for the ideas, looking for inspiration, looking for the narratives.

What they find there is empire. What they find there are imperial projects. And that's certainly the story of Putin's claim. That's the story of the argument. And to conclude, the argument that he lays out there, historical argument, comes also almost directly from the narratives of the late 19th and the beginning of the 20th century.

What they find there is empire. What they find there are imperial projects. And that's certainly the story of Putin's claim. That's the story of the argument. And to conclude, the argument that he lays out there, historical argument, comes also almost directly from the narratives of the late 19th and the beginning of the 20th century.

What they find there is empire. What they find there are imperial projects. And that's certainly the story of Putin's claim. That's the story of the argument. And to conclude, the argument that he lays out there, historical argument, comes also almost directly from the narratives of the late 19th and the beginning of the 20th century.

So it's not only the argument is coming from that era, but also the argumentation is coming from that era as well.

So it's not only the argument is coming from that era, but also the argumentation is coming from that era as well.

So it's not only the argument is coming from that era, but also the argumentation is coming from that era as well.

It's empire on the one hand, but also there is imperial understanding of what Russian nation is that doesn't allow for independence of its little Russian and white Russian branches, alleged branches, right? So what you see is the concept of the big Russian nation that's late 19th, beginning 20th century. Empire sees the writing on the wall. that nationalism is on the rise.

It's empire on the one hand, but also there is imperial understanding of what Russian nation is that doesn't allow for independence of its little Russian and white Russian branches, alleged branches, right? So what you see is the concept of the big Russian nation that's late 19th, beginning 20th century. Empire sees the writing on the wall. that nationalism is on the rise.

It's empire on the one hand, but also there is imperial understanding of what Russian nation is that doesn't allow for independence of its little Russian and white Russian branches, alleged branches, right? So what you see is the concept of the big Russian nation that's late 19th, beginning 20th century. Empire sees the writing on the wall. that nationalism is on the rise.

And it tries to survive by mobilizing the nationalism of the largest group in the empire, which happens to be Russian. Stalin is a big promoter of some form of Russian nationalism, especially during the war and after war. He started his career as a very promising Georgian writer, writing in Georgian.

And it tries to survive by mobilizing the nationalism of the largest group in the empire, which happens to be Russian. Stalin is a big promoter of some form of Russian nationalism, especially during the war and after war. He started his career as a very promising Georgian writer, writing in Georgian.

And it tries to survive by mobilizing the nationalism of the largest group in the empire, which happens to be Russian. Stalin is a big promoter of some form of Russian nationalism, especially during the war and after war. He started his career as a very promising Georgian writer, writing in Georgian.

He's not doing that for some personal affinity or cultural intellectual roots within Russian nation or Russian people. He is doing that for the sake of the success of his Soviet and communist project, and he has to get the largest ethnic group on board, which are Russians. But Stalin and Putin have different understanding of who Russians are.

He's not doing that for some personal affinity or cultural intellectual roots within Russian nation or Russian people. He is doing that for the sake of the success of his Soviet and communist project, and he has to get the largest ethnic group on board, which are Russians. But Stalin and Putin have different understanding of who Russians are.

He's not doing that for some personal affinity or cultural intellectual roots within Russian nation or Russian people. He is doing that for the sake of the success of his Soviet and communist project, and he has to get the largest ethnic group on board, which are Russians. But Stalin and Putin have different understanding of who Russians are.

Stalin already accepted Ukrainians and Belorussians, their existence. Putin goes back to pre-Stalin and pre-Lenin times.

Stalin already accepted Ukrainians and Belorussians, their existence. Putin goes back to pre-Stalin and pre-Lenin times.

Stalin already accepted Ukrainians and Belorussians, their existence. Putin goes back to pre-Stalin and pre-Lenin times.

First of all, especially when it comes to eastern Ukraine or to big cities. Many people in Ukraine spoke Russian, right? Generally, it's the same language. On the top of that, we started our discussion with talking about the Slavs, right? So both Ukrainian and Russian language are Slavic languages. So there is proximity there as well.