Steven Hahn

Well, I think that there was a deep desire to think about a set of liberal democratic norms, the use of the term norms. As a way of understanding how we have been as a people and how we have practiced politics, and therefore there was, as alarming as Trump may have been, there was something comforting about thinking that this was a weird abnormality.

Well, I think that there was a deep desire to think about a set of liberal democratic norms, the use of the term norms. As a way of understanding how we have been as a people and how we have practiced politics, and therefore there was, as alarming as Trump may have been, there was something comforting about thinking that this was a weird abnormality.

It was kind of a noxious weed that had sprouted. A dying gasp of an old order.

It was kind of a noxious weed that had sprouted. A dying gasp of an old order.

either that or as a dangerous protrusion of a new order potentially coming into being, but that could be pulled out and we would go back to normal. I was really struck in 2015-16, not so much by him per se, but by journalists and other very thoughtful observers who were aghast

either that or as a dangerous protrusion of a new order potentially coming into being, but that could be pulled out and we would go back to normal. I was really struck in 2015-16, not so much by him per se, but by journalists and other very thoughtful observers who were aghast

at his various violations of liberal democratic norms, even though for the previous two and a half, three decades, they had been undermined in so many different respects, but wanting to hold on to them and not to normalize him.

at his various violations of liberal democratic norms, even though for the previous two and a half, three decades, they had been undermined in so many different respects, but wanting to hold on to them and not to normalize him.

I'm talking about a way of thinking about the world that has to do with the embrace of inequality, inherent inequalities, about hierarchies of nation and race and gender, about a desire for cultural and or religious uniformity, a particularist idea about rights, You don't have them all the time.

I'm talking about a way of thinking about the world that has to do with the embrace of inequality, inherent inequalities, about hierarchies of nation and race and gender, about a desire for cultural and or religious uniformity, a particularist idea about rights, You don't have them all the time.

An idea of marking internal as well as external enemies and the use of exclusion or expulsion as a way of dealing with this. Thinking about the access to and maintenance of power with the legitimacy of political violence. And as much as anything, really it's about the will of the community over the rule of law.

An idea of marking internal as well as external enemies and the use of exclusion or expulsion as a way of dealing with this. Thinking about the access to and maintenance of power with the legitimacy of political violence. And as much as anything, really it's about the will of the community over the rule of law.

And I think understanding this as a set of ideas and relationships that really preceded the European colonization of North America and has preceded liberalism and then became very much entangled to it but had a logic of its own.

And I think understanding this as a set of ideas and relationships that really preceded the European colonization of North America and has preceded liberalism and then became very much entangled to it but had a logic of its own.

I do. I read it both in terms of his interest and admiration for what he saw as a robust individualism and equality, but I also read it as a series of warnings that about where this could be headed. The largest section of his warnings had to do with his very long chapter on slavery and race, which he recognized infused the entire country.

I do. I read it both in terms of his interest and admiration for what he saw as a robust individualism and equality, but I also read it as a series of warnings that about where this could be headed. The largest section of his warnings had to do with his very long chapter on slavery and race, which he recognized infused the entire country.

In fact, he thought racism was more powerful where slavery had been abolished than where slavery still existed. But I was especially interested in how he understood local democracy and local politics in general, the collective and associational activities. And what worried him was what he called the tyranny of the majority.

In fact, he thought racism was more powerful where slavery had been abolished than where slavery still existed. But I was especially interested in how he understood local democracy and local politics in general, the collective and associational activities. And what worried him was what he called the tyranny of the majority.

The narrowness of mind, the way in which associations on the ground tended to emphasize certain ideas about belonging, but at the same time put those who didn't fit in into real jeopardy.

The narrowness of mind, the way in which associations on the ground tended to emphasize certain ideas about belonging, but at the same time put those who didn't fit in into real jeopardy.