Steven Hahn

In some ways, it's because the advent of citizenship and the 14th Amendment, as strong as it was in many respects, didn't really, you know, if you compare that to the Mexican Constitution in 1916, that laid out a whole series of rights that working people had, that women had, And you compare it to a sense of, well, what are the rights that come with citizenship in the United States?

In some ways, it's because the advent of citizenship and the 14th Amendment, as strong as it was in many respects, didn't really, you know, if you compare that to the Mexican Constitution in 1916, that laid out a whole series of rights that working people had, that women had, And you compare it to a sense of, well, what are the rights that come with citizenship in the United States?

I worry, as you may worry too, that precisely because a lot of those rights are not clearly established and because there could be any one of a variety of loopholes, whether in the language or whether in the way citizenship and rights are conceived,

I worry, as you may worry too, that precisely because a lot of those rights are not clearly established and because there could be any one of a variety of loopholes, whether in the language or whether in the way citizenship and rights are conceived,

that we may be entering a period, you know, in some ways marked by, like, the Dobbs decision of the really withdrawal of rights that we had come to believe that people have.

that we may be entering a period, you know, in some ways marked by, like, the Dobbs decision of the really withdrawal of rights that we had come to believe that people have.

It seems to me, I'm not somebody who thinks about pendulums. I don't think that history repeats itself. But I do think that there are moments where, when circumstances make possible developments moving in any one of a number of directions. And so, even if you think about Obama and Trump, I think it follows perfectly.

It seems to me, I'm not somebody who thinks about pendulums. I don't think that history repeats itself. But I do think that there are moments where, when circumstances make possible developments moving in any one of a number of directions. And so, even if you think about Obama and Trump, I think it follows perfectly.

Obama gets elected and everybody was talking about how we were now in a post-racial society. And then two blinks, you know, the Tea Party is organized and basically Obama draws out a lot of deep racism in American society and senses that a black person like him should not legitimately hold the power he does. And therefore you have a birther movement, which really harks back to Reconstruction,

Obama gets elected and everybody was talking about how we were now in a post-racial society. And then two blinks, you know, the Tea Party is organized and basically Obama draws out a lot of deep racism in American society and senses that a black person like him should not legitimately hold the power he does. And therefore you have a birther movement, which really harks back to Reconstruction,

when, you know, Southern whites recognized that slavery was over, but the idea of empowering former slaves was just inconceivable to them. And you realize some of the depictions of Obama, you know, in African dress and so on and so forth, I think suggests, I mean, I think, you know, it's an interesting question about... And Trump rides birtherism to the forefront of the Republican Party.

when, you know, Southern whites recognized that slavery was over, but the idea of empowering former slaves was just inconceivable to them. And you realize some of the depictions of Obama, you know, in African dress and so on and so forth, I think suggests, I mean, I think, you know, it's an interesting question about... And Trump rides birtherism to the forefront of the Republican Party.

I mean, he found his way into leadership precisely in that even when it was debunked, even when it was absolutely clear that this was a lie, nonetheless, most Republicans still believed that it was this idea of the general illegitimacy of certain groups of people holding power and breaking the hierarchies that they thought were essential to stability and security in the United States.

I mean, he found his way into leadership precisely in that even when it was debunked, even when it was absolutely clear that this was a lie, nonetheless, most Republicans still believed that it was this idea of the general illegitimacy of certain groups of people holding power and breaking the hierarchies that they thought were essential to stability and security in the United States.

I think that it's important to recognize that, first of all, we have a long history of incarcerating people. And from the birth of the penitentiary in the early 19th century on... You know, the people who were incarcerated, wherever they were incarcerated, were disproportionately poor, disproportionately immigrants, disproportionately Black.

I think that it's important to recognize that, first of all, we have a long history of incarcerating people. And from the birth of the penitentiary in the early 19th century on... You know, the people who were incarcerated, wherever they were incarcerated, were disproportionately poor, disproportionately immigrants, disproportionately Black.

I do think that basically what happened was after the enormous urban unrest in the 1960s, that there was kind of the sense that, well, they could militarily occupy big cities or they could find other ways of pacifying and repressing the populations.

I do think that basically what happened was after the enormous urban unrest in the 1960s, that there was kind of the sense that, well, they could militarily occupy big cities or they could find other ways of pacifying and repressing the populations.

And I think part of what happens is that, you know, there is a bipartisan consensus on crime as a problem that's out of control, people of color as those who are most threatening, most dangerous, and that effectively deporting them from society and putting them in institutions where at least they were under, you know, direct surveillance and repressive control.

And I think part of what happens is that, you know, there is a bipartisan consensus on crime as a problem that's out of control, people of color as those who are most threatening, most dangerous, and that effectively deporting them from society and putting them in institutions where at least they were under, you know, direct surveillance and repressive control.