Yuval Levin

A lot of what they want to do in terms of the political valence of federal public policy are things that I agree with. A lot of what they want to do in terms of driving us away from DEI and towards a more kind of colorblind federal policy I think is great and very important. What they're doing on education policy so far I think is very good. I'm going to agree with them about a lot of things.

A lot of what they want to do in terms of the political valence of federal public policy are things that I agree with. A lot of what they want to do in terms of driving us away from DEI and towards a more kind of colorblind federal policy I think is great and very important. What they're doing on education policy so far I think is very good. I'm going to agree with them about a lot of things.

I'm a conservative. But the approach to the structure of the system worries me a lot. I worry about constitutionalism more than about public policy in this moment. And I think ultimately constitutionalism is more important than public policy. And the two biggest worries that I have about the constitutional system, not just now but in general – First of all, are the weakness of Congress.

I'm a conservative. But the approach to the structure of the system worries me a lot. I worry about constitutionalism more than about public policy in this moment. And I think ultimately constitutionalism is more important than public policy. And the two biggest worries that I have about the constitutional system, not just now but in general – First of all, are the weakness of Congress.

I think a lot of our other problems come from that fact. And secondly, is the overbearing and arbitrary character of the administrative state. And so far, it seems to me that both of those problems are going to get worse in the next four years and not better. Certainly the weakness of Congress, where a lot of Republican members now just want to surrender their power to a president they now like.

I think a lot of our other problems come from that fact. And secondly, is the overbearing and arbitrary character of the administrative state. And so far, it seems to me that both of those problems are going to get worse in the next four years and not better. Certainly the weakness of Congress, where a lot of Republican members now just want to surrender their power to a president they now like.

And so they talk in terms of I heard a member of the House say to another during the debate over the vote on the speaker at the beginning of this Congress saying, well, President Trump should have the speaker that he wants. That is not how our Constitution works. And Congress should have a sense of its own authority and its own dignity that is distinct from the president.

And so they talk in terms of I heard a member of the House say to another during the debate over the vote on the speaker at the beginning of this Congress saying, well, President Trump should have the speaker that he wants. That is not how our Constitution works. And Congress should have a sense of its own authority and its own dignity that is distinct from the president.

And on the other hand, I think this rushing in with arbitrary power and assertions of authority at the beginning of a new administration suggests that even though I may like the policy direction that the administrative agencies are going to take in this administration, they're going to continue to act in an arbitrary and overbearing way that creates enormous problems for our system of government.

And on the other hand, I think this rushing in with arbitrary power and assertions of authority at the beginning of a new administration suggests that even though I may like the policy direction that the administrative agencies are going to take in this administration, they're going to continue to act in an arbitrary and overbearing way that creates enormous problems for our system of government.

Thank you.

Thank you.

Yeah. The separation of powers is not just a division of power into three so that it's a little safer because it's divided. Power is channeled through three different kinds of institutions. The first one, the primary one, is a legislature. And the reason it's primary is that the legislature is representative of the American public.

Yeah. The separation of powers is not just a division of power into three so that it's a little safer because it's divided. Power is channeled through three different kinds of institutions. The first one, the primary one, is a legislature. And the reason it's primary is that the legislature is representative of the American public.

The president is elected, but the president was not thought of as a representative figure. That office is one person in a vast country. One person can't really represent that vast country. That has to be done by a plural institution like Congress. And Congress has a specific kind of work.

The president is elected, but the president was not thought of as a representative figure. That office is one person in a vast country. One person can't really represent that vast country. That has to be done by a plural institution like Congress. And Congress has a specific kind of work.

It frames out, it builds out frameworks of law that are then going to direct the work of administration in the future. The president administers, and the idea of administration is almost lost to us now. We think of what the president does basically as saying, this is what should happen, and then things happen.

It frames out, it builds out frameworks of law that are then going to direct the work of administration in the future. The president administers, and the idea of administration is almost lost to us now. We think of what the president does basically as saying, this is what should happen, and then things happen.

But actually, the most important part of the president's job is the making of those things happen. It is the working of the arms of government, of the various tools and implements to actually turn will into action. And the courts have a different job than both of those.

But actually, the most important part of the president's job is the making of those things happen. It is the working of the arms of government, of the various tools and implements to actually turn will into action. And the courts have a different job than both of those.