Bannon`s War Room
Episode 4895: Attacks On Phyllis Schlafly Distort History; The Great Unmasking
01 Nov 2025
Chapter 1: What historical context surrounds the attacks on Phyllis Schlafly?
This is the primal scream of a dying regime. Pray for our enemies, because we're going medieval on these people. I got a free shot on all these networks lying about the people. The people have had a belly full of it. I know you don't like hearing that. I know you try to do everything in the world to stop that, but you're not going to stop it. It's going to happen.
And where do people like that go to share the big lie? MAGA Media. I wish in my soul, I wish that any of these people had a conscience. Ask yourself, what is my task and what is my purpose? If that answer is to save my country, this country will be saved. War Room. Here's your host, Stephen K. Babb.
It's Saturday, 1 November, in the year of our Lord, 2025. We're a couple of days away from an election. I'm going to get to all that, break it all down. We've got folks on here to talk about the ballots in Georgia. Julie Kelly's going to join us about the impeachment of Boasburg. We're going to get into geopolitics, capital markets, Russia, China, all of it.
And we do have a cold open for you as we have every day. But I've got to hold it because I have a very special guest who's under a time crunch. Ed Martin, the head of the de-weaponization, I guess, of the government program over at the main justice and also the pardons art joins us. And he's going out to an event that's always been one of my favorite events.
Ed, I've got you on here because we're going to have Mark Hemingway on in a moment from the great The Federalist, that new site Sean Davis and the team put together. It's just outstanding. On one of my favorite people and more importantly, one of President Trump's. favorite people. It's Phyllis Schlafly. You're going out today to the Eagle Forum. Tell me about this article Hemingway's got up.
It's about the National Review still continuing to attack Phyllis. You knew better than anybody. In fact, it was a big article done nine years ago by Julia Hahn when I ran Breitbart about this fight. Ed Martin.
Hey, great to be with you, Steve. You know, I'm going to give a speech tonight at Eagle Council in St. Louis. And the topic is, you know, it's the choice, Phyllis's choice and Donald Trump. She picked him early. She believed in him. And as you said, every time I've been with him, he will bring up Phyllis. He loves to say to people, Phyllis was with me. She never wavered.
He gave a speech at her funeral. And that's the phrase he used. She never wavered. She never wavered in her whole career. And the common denominator for her and him is they just love America. And so what Hemingway captured, Mark's a great writer and insightful, is the attack of National Review. It's longstanding, though.
There was always a fight between the globalists and the big money guys and the Eastern elites, the establishment, and people like Phyllis Schlafly. And you covered this in that movie a few years ago where you were talking, you interviewed Phyllis in a documentary. And at the heart of it, actually- was the great divide in the 1960s and 70s. And Reagan was hanging by the balance.
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Chapter 2: How does the discussion frame the current political landscape?
Our people died for it. And more importantly, we believe in the Monroe Doctrine. And we say in our hemisphere, just like Venezuela is learning, in our hemisphere, don't screw around or you're going to find out. So she squared off with Buckley. And the inside story, Steve, is fantastic. It's like a TMZ episode.
She had been a prominent kind of ally of his on social issues, conservative issues, although he betrayed the conservatives by blaming the Birchers and everybody for all sorts of things. But still, she was an ally that night when she destroyed him in a one-hour debate on the Panama Canal where she showed he was in the tank for the lawyers and the big bankers.
When it was over, when it was over, the tradition was Buckley with a flourish would, especially for a woman, would take you to the curb in New York City and hail a cab. And Phyllis said to me, you can picture it, Steve, with a rueful smile. She said something like, He didn't even call a cab for me. He was so pissed. You can see it. It's up on the website. He was so mad. But that's the divide.
The divide is, as you and I have talked about, is the globalists and the elites and the money that naturally corrupts systems and the people that are sticking to the Constitution and the values and everything else. And that was what made that split happen. And National Review has never really, I think, changed their stripes. They're always, you know, 60%, 70% correct.
But the other 30%, they attack the good guys. And it's... It's a real detriment often.
No, they're terrible. You're quite kind. They're terrible. They're a clown show. And you've got to remember, Phyllis Schlafly, this is her courage. And one thing to say about Phyllis, tough as boot leather, that film Fire from the Heartland, which had Michelle Bachman and Sarah Palin, I was the director for all the segments except Phyllis Schlafly.
She directed herself, and she let me know that right at the beginning. I mean, it was like, hey, Grundoon, you go sit over there. I got this. Just let the cameras roll. The National Review came out with the Never Trump cover, I think right before Super Tuesday, sometime I think in March of 16, and Phyllis Schlafly had the courage to be really the first person And I think that's what I stood for.
And I think that's what I stood for. And I think that's what I stood for. And I think that's what I stood for. And I think that's what I stood for. And I think that's what I stood for. And I think that's what I stood for. And I think that's what I stood for.
When we are behind and every day Trump's doing 10 events, he said right off the bat, when you guys offered to let him say a few words, he says, I'm going to Phyllis Schlafly's funeral. And remember, he went and prayed. It was very moving. But we took time out because he said this is more important than the campaign. Right. We owe this woman and what the country owes her is tremendous.
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Chapter 3: What role did Phyllis Schlafly play in the conservative movement?
betrayed by people after she endorsed Trump. I mean, I did too. A lot of us did, right? And it was vicious. And I remember asking her, how come you're not bitter? And she said, I'm not bitter because you do the right thing. She's like, you know, what are you going to do? Do the wrong thing and have people like you? And she did that her whole career. And she did it with respect.
I mean, when you watch that debate, she's not mean. She's just saying, hey, here's the facts, actually. Here's what's going on. And she's a lesson for us. But she also knew, Steve, last thing I'll say, I'm headed out to the airport, is she knew the stakes. One time she said to me about Trump, she said, and she was public, she said, he may be our last best hope.
She saw the precipice we were on, and she knew, and when she was dying, she said to me, one of her last words to me was, keep going. Keep going, because as you know, Steve, and all of us, there's times we just get tired. You're like, you know, I could do something else. I could be. And the message from her and all of us is, hey, keep going because of what's at stake.
If it was a debate about, you know, should we have a marginal tax rate of 15 or 20 or whatever? This isn't this is this is a, you know, civilization. moment and Phyllis knew it. And she knew last thing Trump, you know, Trump's a master in many ways, but he called her on her birthday and I was at her house. Phone rings, picks it up. She says, so hi, Mr. Trump. She always called him Mr. Trump.
And they talked back and forth about five minutes and she's laughing like a school girl. And I get off and I said, what did he say? And she said, he wished me a happy birthday. And I said, what else? And she said, we just talked, you know, now that touch she, and I remember she would say, I trust him. And somebody her 92 years old, she's been around the block. She's seen them all.
And she says, I trust him. I used to tell people, am I supposed to listen to you? You're 54 years old and you've been around the block once. She's been around a hundred times. She says, I trust him. So it was great. And I'm glad Hemingway pushed back on that. And I appreciate the chance to say a few words.
He's a brilliant guy. By the way, most of these endorsements, they really don't mean much. Hers meant so much because she's a giant. Ed Martin. Ed, social media, so we can follow you doing great work over at Maine Justice. What's your social media?
At Eagle Ed Martin on X is really the best one for my personal account. We've got one over at DOJ, which I won't bother putting up on the air just in case somebody complains about me, which they love to do. But at Eagle Ed Martin is where you can find me the most.
You're a hero, and she would be very proud of your work, sir, and I'll tell you, you're tough as boot leather. Anyway, say hi to everybody at the council tonight. We love the Phyllis Schlafly organization. Just love them.
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Chapter 4: What criticisms does National Review have against Schlafly?
Out in St. Louis tonight. Mark Hemingway joins us from the fantastic Federalist. As I tell people, go to the Federalist every morning. Great analytical pieces, great breaking news, just an extraordinary group that Sean Davis has put together. Mark, it's the lead story in The Federalist that tells me it's an important story. Walk me through it, sir.
Well, you know, National Review's 70th anniversary issue was just put out. And, you know, there are various things they're doing, of course, to assess the magazine's legacy. But somehow in the midst of that pile of articles, there's a lengthy article that just attacks Phyllis Schlafly. It's really just really amazing to me that they would use this occasion to...
attack on most beloved icons of the right um mark mark mark mark mark you're such a gentleman it's just not an attack it's a brutal attack i mean it's like when i read your piece i hadn't seen the they they're not i'm not on the mailing list for the 70th uh but when i read it i go my lord Why would you ever attack, not just attack Phyllis Schlafly? I mean, they are so brutal.
It's like Buckley came back from the grave for the payback for being humiliated in the Panama Canal debate, sir.
Well, no, you're right about that. And I was certainly going to get into that. I mean, it really is just a Jeremiah that goes hammer and tongs against Schlafly for being a. you know, sophist and a propagandist. And the thing that really got me was she's described as a true virtuoso of the paranoid style, which...
You know, the paranoid style has become almost a cliche in politics, but it's a reference to Richard Hofstadler's famous essay that was published in November of 1964 that was an attack on Goldwater Republicans, which, you know, one of Schlafly's biggest legacy was a choice not an echo, a book that sold three million copies, that made the argument for the GOP to move in a more populist direction in 1964 and nominate Barry Goldwater for it.
you know, president, which, you know, had major consequences. You know, for one thing, it steered the party, you know, even though Goldwater lost badly in the general election, it steered the party in a more appropriately populist direction, which, you of Reagan in 1980, which was the greatest triumph of post-war movement conservatism at that point.
So it is just shocking that you would embrace that attempt by Richard Hofstadter, a pseudo-Marxist basically, he was a disciple of the Frankfurt School of Marxists, in his attempt to dismiss Goldwater Republicans, including Schlafly.
in national review um for their 70th anniversary i mean it's just like uh a really you know offensive way to go about things let's go into the um it is their shot don't you think a little bit of payback for two things like i said the never trump they will never live down that cover ever
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Chapter 5: How do current events reflect the legacy of Schlafly's views?
I love this guy. He's our wise man, a former CIA, Pentagon, and White House advisor with an unmatched grasp of geopolitics and capital markets. Jim predicted Trump's electoral college victory exactly 312 to 226, down to the actual number itself. Now he's issuing a dire warning about April 11th, a moment that could define Trump's presidency and your financial future.
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Okay, after Tuesday, it's going to be psychological warfare as the media is going to pile in. Wednesday morning, a new Democratic Party. Combination of the Working Family Party and DSA, which has massive ground game folks. They're going to win in Seattle. They're going to win in Minneapolis. They're going to win in New York. They're going to have all these.
This is a massive ground game operation financed by foreign coin. Plus you'll have Newsom. You'll have all of it. It'll be the death of Trump. One year. one year from the time of the greatest comeback in American political history. Now, why is this happening? Number one, Trump is not in any of these races. In fact, he was basically told, you know, stay out of these races.
In addition, the redistricting wars, which with Alex DeGrasse, we're the leader in, I can tell you right now, it's grinding a little bit to a halt. Why? Establishment and conservative ink, you know, the Mike Pence's of the world. while the Democrats rev it up. Prop 50 victory on Tuesday is going to send these guys next level.
In Virginia, the Commonwealth of Virginia right now, they're talking about a 10-to-1 map. Spanberger wins, they're going to move the primaries from June to August, a 10-to-1 map. Everything we've worked on, that great comeback, all of it. Hey, get ready to hit reset, because Tuesday night, they're coming in rolling hard. And they're putting the House in play.
And when Hakeem Jeffries, he probably won't even be the speaker, but when they take over the House, the day they do it, the next day they start impeaching President Trump and they start sending subpoenas and they grind the Trump revolution to a halt.
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Chapter 6: What are the implications of the Panama Canal debate in today's politics?
And all of a sudden, everything becomes clear. It's like they start with this premise, which is just assumed that Donald Trump is bad, which, by the way, even to this day, I don't think 90% of the absolute subscriber base agrees with. And then they reason backwards from there. Donald Trump was swept into power by populism.
One of Schlafly's biggest legacies was moving the GOP in a more populous direction in 1964 with a book of choice, not an echo, that convinced voters and grassroots to support Barry Goldwater for president. And Errico, the woman that introduced populism in 1964, is responsible for the bad orange man in 2024. And it's a really silly argument.
I mean, a lot of things happened in the 60 years between then and now. And populism influenced a lot of things in the meantime, very much for the better. It moved the party in a much more socially conservative direction, say, if you're pro-life, which is a huge component of Republican base. Populism is what elected Reagan. Remember, he was the outsider in 1976 when he didn't get the nomination.
He was still the outsider in 1980 when he did capture it. And the Reagan revolution was largely a populist thing. So even if you don't like Trump, to say that populism has been bad for the GOP is frankly insane. And I do not get why they would make this argument other than simply to attack Trump.
I mean, well, you're one of the smartest guys out there. This is one of the things that bugs me about because these guys are not stupid. The Bill Buckley and kind of salons of the Upper East Side, this kind of debating society they want. We're not in a debate. There's not a debate. These people aren't interested. You're not going to debate the left.
You see with Mondami, this is like a neo-Marxist, jihadist takeover. And these people play smash mouth. Ed Martin's sole job in main justice is to take apart the apparatus of weaponizing the Justice Department against American citizens. I mean, we're at political warfare.
And these people, you're not going to sit up in a salon in the Upper East Side and have a debate over some tea and champagne and convince these guys they're wrong and, oh, we're going to beat you at the polls. They don't care about polls. They don't care about elections. This is a neo-Marxist progressive jihadist, and you see it city after city. Look what they've done to the government.
Look what they've done with the illegal alien invasion. You can't debate it away. So why is the National Review look down and find so distasteful kind of the Trump brawler mentality, sir?
Well, that is a really good question. I think, honestly, a lot of it, though, is that these people do exist in a, well, I mean, I hesitate to call it intellectual world, but they do exist in this world where they get paid to talk about ideas. And I think that is, in large part, over time, insulated a lot of people from the consequences or understanding the stakes for ordinary people.
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Chapter 7: How do the guests perceive the relationship between populism and conservatism?
I just can't understand why Crystal and these guys do not look at London and Sadiq Khan. What's happened in London over the last decade, and I was there at the time, you know, oh, Sadiq Khan is a great guy. He's going to do good things. And, you know, if it's bad, we'll get rid of him in a couple of years. It hasn't worked like that.
He's controlled it for 10 years, and he's changed London dramatically. That's what's going to happen in New York City. And people come, oh, well, he's a socialist. It's a good thing socialists cause their fail. I said, no, these guys are Bolsheviks. These are Marxists.
Once the Working Family Party and the DSA get their hands on the apparatus of the New York City government, the global, the financial capital of the world, they're not going to, you're going to have to pry it out of there. They're not going to, they don't play by the Marquis of Queensbury's rules. Hey, Mondami, the Ugandan, right, not even a legitimate U.S. citizen.
We have no idea where the money comes from. And they don't care. They don't care. Mark Hemingway, social media, where do people get you, your coordinates, and more of your writing, sir?
I am at Heminator on X, H-E-M-I-N-A-T-O-R. That was a stupid college nickname that I chose in 2009 because I didn't think this social media thing would be serious, but it's now a professional moniker, unfortunately.
I love it. Sir, thank you so much, and thank you for the piece. Appreciate you.
Thank you.
Phyllis Schlafly, her greatest virtue was courage because it's upon courage that all the other virtues rest. And she knew one thing. Courage was contagious. What she did on the fight of the ERA, one woman with her back against the wall turned the whole thing around. She was, you know, she was a Trump-type figure before Trump.
That was the kind of fight that she knew you had to have in politics, and President Trump knew it too. This is why they hated her. They hated her. The National Review, in its 70th anniversary, smears... One of the greatest women this country has ever produced, and obviously one of the top two or three the conservative movements ever had in this country. Smearer. And why?
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Chapter 8: What actions are being proposed regarding election integrity in Georgia?
John Fredericks had a brilliant strategy, came to the war room and said, hey, look, if we perform at presidential levels with the MAGA vote, and Youngkin's no MAGA guy, we can actually win this and send a message. And John Fredericks went around and we executed on that. Do you remember the war room? And he won in a shocking victory.
So after not doing anything close to what MAGA demanded in the four years, Youngkin's kind of a spent force. And now this is a disaster. Trump's not involved. If they have, and I think John Furrier said, if they have, I don't know, 175, if they win by 175,000 or 200,000 on game day, they can pull this out. The same in New Jersey, which is much, much closer. And Scott Pressler.
And the entire team, Cliff, Maloney, all of them have been up there just pounding it. But it's, you know, it's a huge Democratic state. We've closed it. You know, Obama's going to Virginia and there today. But across the board, if you look and particularly look in the redistricting fight and the redistricting fight is is gritty, nasty in the trenches work. They don't want to do it.
You can tell they already want to go past Trump. And here's the problem. You're not going to get the low propensity, lower information voters if you don't have Trump. That's just basic. And you're going to see on Tuesday night.
And the Democrats are going to take this and try to grind us into dust and use that as a springboard to take back the House, thwart the redistricting movement using conservative ink Republicans, establishment Republicans, and then have the House flip and have Trump impeached and kill the Trump revolution right there. Full stop.
We're not getting on with the work that we have to do to take down the deep state in the interim. And we're burning daylight. Julie Kelly joins us. Julie, in the work you've done, so extraordinary. You just you went to every hearing. You've chronicled everything. It's the reason your sub stacks is a must read. You're all over Arctic frost. Understand this. Boasberg, which you called out.
I don't know. seven or eight months ago and saying, we've got to impeach one of these judges. You've got to send a signal. It's either Beryl Howe or Boesberg. Pick them, but let's roll. Now, finally, people are starting, I think Ted Cruz and others are starting to pick up your clarion call. Why is that, ma'am?
Well, because Jeb Bosberg entered nondisclosure orders. So this is part of a subpoena. And what the nondisclosure order does is it prevents certain companies, and in this case telecommunications companies, from notifying their user, their client, of the existence of a subpoena.
So it prohibits, say Verizon or AT&T in these two instances, those companies from notifying, in this case, several sitting members of the U.S. Senate and at least one member of the House. Now, we'll get into the details of what a judge needs to determine before he can enter a nondisclosure order under the Stored Communications Act.
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