Chapter 1: What does the primal scream of a dying regime signify?
This is the primal scream of a dying regime. Pray for our enemies, because we're going medieval on these people. I got a free shot on all these networks lying about the people. The people have had a belly full of it. I know you don't like hearing that. I know you try to do everything in the world to stop that, but you're not going to stop it. It's going to happen.
And where do people like that go to share the big lie? Mega media. I wish in my soul, I wish that any of these people had a conscience.
Chapter 2: How does media influence the perception of financial institutions?
Ask yourself, what is my task and what is my purpose?
If that answer is to save my country, this country will be saved.
War Room. Here's your host, Stephen K. Bann.
It's February. It is Friday. Friday, 6th February in the year of our Lord, 2026. There is a method to my madness this morning on the show. Because I wanted to talk, we have all this conversation about civil war and the path to civil war.
We've had the clip from Ben Harnwell's amazing interview with Dr. Betts at King's College, where he's the tenured professor of modern warfare, and I think considered one of the leading experts on modern warfare in the broad context of what that means.
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Chapter 3: What is the significance of modern warfare in today's context?
modern warfare is not simply kinetic, it is also unrestricted warfare as we've taught you over the last five or six years on the show. We start with, but it's about also about institutions. This is why we start today with James Rosen, the chief Washington correspondent for Newsmax in his, the second volume of his magisterial biography
of one of the greatest Americans, not simply of modern times, but I think of all time, and that is Associate Justice Scalia. The second volume is the Supreme Court years. The first volume is the rise to greatness. It takes you all the way through Scalia's life, his confirmation hearing. The second volume you pick up
The first day he joined the Supreme Court and goes all the way through the 2000 election, the contested election there in Bush v. Gore in the decisions of the Supreme Court. I can't recommend a book more highly. And also, for young people in your life, this is like the Buckley book. Give Sam Tannenhaus's book. which we sent to what, I don't know, the second, third, fourth printing.
This audience and the feedback I've gotten is fantastic. James Rosen is the same type of writer. These are books that almost read like novels, and you just want to turn the page to do that. But it was about the institution and how fundamental Associate Justice Scalia was in changing the institution of the Supreme Court, particularly about originalism and about textualism.
And that's why you're going to learn a lot. You'll understand the presence. I'm very proud that I sat on the five-man selection committee as the only non-lawyer for the selection of Gorsuch to replace Justice Scalia after he passed away.
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Chapter 4: How does Justice Scalia's legacy impact the Supreme Court?
Of course, you can't replace people like Scalia. You can't replace people like Associate Justice Thomas, just like he can't replace Charlie Kirk and he can't replace Andrew Breitbart. There's some people that come along, they're just unique and totally unique individuals and can't be replaced, but you will learn a lot. Dr. Thayer and Tej Gill are gonna return here momentarily.
We're gonna talk about The piece in The Federalist today from our own Dr. Bradley Thayer that is quite extraordinary about this potential civil war in the West. Of course, Dr. Betts at King's College says, not only is it coming, but the election of Nigel Farage as reformer, remember what Nigel has done is extraordinary.
He's taken a party basically he created, and now, as I think 2X what the Tories are, and the Tories have been around for 250 years. longer maybe, I think, than 250 years. So it's extraordinary. He says that will only slow it down, but the path in the United Kingdom is set.
When we talk about institutions, one of the ones we talk about so much is global capital, the global capital markets, finance. The great Orrin Cass, I guess it's coming out, it's online now, it's coming out on Sunday in the New York Times. You eviscerate the Wall Street, the Lords of Easy Money. And you just say right in the headline, it's a grift and they ought to be treated like grifters.
One, how did the New York Times publish this? And number two, walk us through the piece.
Well, I should say, actually, it has been a long time in coming, but the Times editor I work with was great and actually really encouraged focusing on this point that, you know, there's so much discussion about bad actors on Wall Street, right?
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Chapter 5: What are the implications of the current financial system?
Like, oh, these looters or, you know, this fraud and so forth. And I think there's a much broader, more important point, which is that It's not the edge case. It's not the lawbreaker. It's the entire exercise. It is the fundamentals of what we have in private equity, what we have in hedge funds, what we have now in what's called private credit.
It's just all this stuff that has been layered atop the actual legitimate purposes of financial markets that doesn't create any value and yet ends up with tremendous wealth. And if you're not creating any value and you end up with tremendous wealth, it's safe to assume that means you just took that money from somewhere else.
And I think that is one of the fundamental problems we have in our economy today is one of the best ways to make money where we're sending a lot of our best talent, people who could be starting great businesses, creating good jobs. Instead, they're going to trade money around in circles.
And somehow we sort of, not only do we tolerate it, in a lot of cases, we celebrate it and take it seriously as a sign that something useful must be going on.
LOOK, THE REASON, ONE OF THE PRINCIPAL REASONS PRESIDENT TRUMP WON ON 8 NOVEMBER OF 2016 OR EARLY IN THE MORNING HE WAS DECLARED THE WINNER OF NOVEMBER 9TH IS THE FUSE THAT WAS LIT OFF BY THE FINANCIAL CRASH IN 2008. because of the efforts to bail out the system, they consolidated wealth and power.
I mean, Obama, the most progressive president in history, supposedly, had a knee-jerk reaction with Tim Geithner and people around him guiding him, because he was basically a constitutional law professor, didn't really understand capital markets.
But they came up with policies, as has been shown in the great book, Lords of Easy Money, that essentially bailed out the system and bailed out the wealthy with the greatest concentration of wealth. In mankind's history. However, there were supposed to be reforms made.
So are you saying today that we're now in, you know, what, 17, 18 years later, we're in a situation that because capitalism should be the fundamental part of capitalism should be free and fair and accessible capital markets. Are you saying we don't actually have a capitalist system?
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Chapter 6: How do we define capitalism in today's economy?
This is more corporatist capitalism? than we even scream about here in War Room? Or is it at the basis we do have capitalism with just a lot of grift on top, or is the whole system rotten to its core?
I think it's more that we have capitalism with a lot of grift on top. One thing I try to emphasize in the piece, and they find the title that will get the most people to click on it. The working title was Saving Capitalism from the Capitalists. Because I think the basic system of capitalism is still a good way, the best way anyone knows to structure an economy.
And for that matter, healthy financial markets are a really important thing. We need to have markets that allow savers to consolidate their savings and to deploy that capital to productive uses. The problem is that that's not what financial markets do today.
In fact, even as financial markets, as the financial sector has grown to be an ever larger part of the economy, more of GDP, more of profits, attracting more of the top talent, generating more of the richest people, there has been no correlating increase in investment. To the contrary, the actual real investment that we get in the economy keeps declining.
And so I think whereas there's been this idea, certainly promoted by the folks on Wall Street, promoted by a lot of the folks you were describing in the Obama world, certainly in the Bush world also, certainly a lot of people in the Trump world, there's this idea that, well, if the financial sector is doing incredibly well, that must somehow mean the economy is doing well, right?
Well, look how high the stock market went up. That must mean we're doing well. Those things have just become entirely disconnected. And so the question is, can we essentially put the financial sector back in its place?
Say we want to have a healthy financial sector, but that's defined by whether you're actually doing your frankly pretty boring job of consolidating capital, deploying capital well, so that the real action is happening in the real economy where it can actually benefit the typical family.
How do you how do we make these because I argue we have a capitalist system with almost no capitalists because 80 or 90 percent of the American people really don't have access to it, don't participate in it.
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Chapter 7: What strategies can be implemented to improve the financial sector?
And 50 percent of the country is abject, been here for generations and have no access to this. Where do you think you're slipping into what Lyndon LaRouche said? used to talk about all the time about productivity and he's got to be focused on manufacturing and you got to get away from this. I mean, he was mad as a hatter, but some of the things he had to say were quite profound.
Do you think it's those types of reforms that have to take place?
Well, I think it's important to say this is also the stuff that Adam Smith was talking about and Abraham Lincoln was talking about, and that most of our great economists, most of our great political leaders until quite recently all recognized. For that matter, many of our great popes have recognized this. It has always been understood that an out-of-control financial sector
is a concern, is something that you're going to get if you don't pay attention to it, and is going to be a plague on the real useful kind of capitalism. And so I think, you know, one thing we're starting to do a lot better... Okay, but hang on, hang on, hang on.
So listen, I want to make sure we name this as a construct for people. So you're, we're dancing around, it's the American system. It's what Hamilton, and I say, along with the Declaration of Independence, something that doesn't get as much play that almost should... is Hamilton's report on manufacturers. And you had, you know, Andrew Jackson was part of that.
Lincoln, as a Whig, this whole party stood for this. The American system, and I kind of say this is what Lyndon LaRoche's people also talk about. Talk to me about the American system. Why is the alternative quite different than late-stage finance capitalism that we find ourselves in this kind of cul-de-sac?
Yeah, the American system, as you just said exactly right, is what built America into the greatest country and economy in the world that led to the unbelievable prosperity of the middle class.
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Chapter 8: How does immigration policy affect American society?
It was obviously a capitalist system. It was a free market system. But it was one that recognized that not anything you do that generates a profit is equally valuable. And also that you really do actually need a role for government, that you need to make sure that domestic industry is strong in competition against other countries.
You need to certainly invest a lot in things like, you know, infrastructure. I mean, whether it was railroads and canals back in the day or, you know, electrification, all of these things were massive public projects. And you need a financial system that is specifically structured and regulated in
in the public interest to make sure that what is happening in financial markets doesn't become an end unto itself, right? You're not trading for the sake of trading, but that it is actually fulfilling its function of helping things to happen in the real world. And that is the tradition that the U.S. followed all the way through the middle of the 20th century.
It's only in the last few decades that we gave in to this idea that, no, no, no, markets in and of themselves, whatever they do is always going to be the most efficient and productive thing. And if we just get out of the way and let the people on Wall Street cook, as the kids would say, that will generate the most prosperity for everybody. And it's just not true.
There's nothing in economic theory that would say it's true. There's nothing in human history that would say it's true. And I think we've really paid the price for going along with that instead of being willing to say, as I say in the piece, the people on Wall Street have no clothes. They're parading around naked. A lot of what they do is ridiculous. It's clearly not valuable.
And we need the right regulation, but we also need a culture that's willing to say that and that we deserve better.
How do you if you got a meeting and we had you over for a cup of coffee with with Scott Besant, secretary treasurer, before you guys went to the White House? We got a minute here on this side. And and I tell you what, hang on. Why don't you just hang on for a second? Because I want to get to the the recommendations here.
Because when you talk about civil war, in the civil war in the middle of the 19th century, these were some of the issues that were underlying, because remember the plantation aristocracy, called the Tidewater plantation aristocracy, particularly around places like Charleston. Remember at the time when...
the Civil War started, I think there were more what would be associated today as billionaires per capita in Charleston than any place on Earth. They believed that the investment was in human capital. That was what slavery was about. They thought humans, owning humans was a capital asset. And one of the big differences
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