Dr. Marcel Dirsus

But at the same time, I only grew up in freedom in Germany because somebody else went to war to beat the Nazis. So I am not going to sit here and argue that force is never justified. There is some sort of line at which these leaders are so destructive and so damaging that it is worth taking that risk and that it is worth going to war. But where that line is, is difficult to say in general.

But at the same time, I only grew up in freedom in Germany because somebody else went to war to beat the Nazis. So I am not going to sit here and argue that force is never justified. There is some sort of line at which these leaders are so destructive and so damaging that it is worth taking that risk and that it is worth going to war. But where that line is, is difficult to say in general.

But at the same time, I only grew up in freedom in Germany because somebody else went to war to beat the Nazis. So I am not going to sit here and argue that force is never justified. There is some sort of line at which these leaders are so destructive and so damaging that it is worth taking that risk and that it is worth going to war. But where that line is, is difficult to say in general.

I think it's a case by case decision.

I think it's a case by case decision.

I think it's a case by case decision.

It's a really fascinating case. And what it really demonstrates is how popular protest works and when it doesn't. And it's a curious question, right? Because you've got some of these entrenched dictatorships being brought down by like school teachers or by pensioners just marching in the street. And the mechanism through which that works is by splitting the regime.

It's a really fascinating case. And what it really demonstrates is how popular protest works and when it doesn't. And it's a curious question, right? Because you've got some of these entrenched dictatorships being brought down by like school teachers or by pensioners just marching in the street. And the mechanism through which that works is by splitting the regime.

It's a really fascinating case. And what it really demonstrates is how popular protest works and when it doesn't. And it's a curious question, right? Because you've got some of these entrenched dictatorships being brought down by like school teachers or by pensioners just marching in the street. And the mechanism through which that works is by splitting the regime.

So you're a dictator, you want to project strength, and you want to project inevitability. You want to make sure that people think there's no other option. So you cannot tolerate people in the streets because that's a direct challenge. But when they're there, you use violence against them, you try to club them down.

So you're a dictator, you want to project strength, and you want to project inevitability. You want to make sure that people think there's no other option. So you cannot tolerate people in the streets because that's a direct challenge. But when they're there, you use violence against them, you try to club them down.

So you're a dictator, you want to project strength, and you want to project inevitability. You want to make sure that people think there's no other option. So you cannot tolerate people in the streets because that's a direct challenge. But when they're there, you use violence against them, you try to club them down.

You might have more people in the streets because you have this backlash as people are upset. So you have more and more people, and eventually you're forced into a situation where you might have to give an order to shoot. But the problem is that even when you give that order to shoot, somebody actually has to follow it.

You might have more people in the streets because you have this backlash as people are upset. So you have more and more people, and eventually you're forced into a situation where you might have to give an order to shoot. But the problem is that even when you give that order to shoot, somebody actually has to follow it.

You might have more people in the streets because you have this backlash as people are upset. So you have more and more people, and eventually you're forced into a situation where you might have to give an order to shoot. But the problem is that even when you give that order to shoot, somebody actually has to follow it.

And oftentimes at that very moment, the security services refuse and the regime crumbles under the weight of its own repression. Because even though the dictator might want to shoot these innocent civilians, others in the regime do not. And as a result, these regimes can blow up.

And oftentimes at that very moment, the security services refuse and the regime crumbles under the weight of its own repression. Because even though the dictator might want to shoot these innocent civilians, others in the regime do not. And as a result, these regimes can blow up.

And oftentimes at that very moment, the security services refuse and the regime crumbles under the weight of its own repression. Because even though the dictator might want to shoot these innocent civilians, others in the regime do not. And as a result, these regimes can blow up.

But then in Belarus, what you saw is that dictators can maximize their chances of survival by bringing in security forces from elsewhere. Because, of course, you are going to be much more likely to shoot somebody from a foreign country than you would be your neighbors or maybe somebody from your family. So what you saw in Minsk is essentially a form of dictatorial solidarity there.

But then in Belarus, what you saw is that dictators can maximize their chances of survival by bringing in security forces from elsewhere. Because, of course, you are going to be much more likely to shoot somebody from a foreign country than you would be your neighbors or maybe somebody from your family. So what you saw in Minsk is essentially a form of dictatorial solidarity there.