Fabrizio Cariani

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176 appearances 1 recordings 1 series first heard Jul 2010 last heard Jul 2010

Fabrizio Cariani’s voice in public audio — every appearance, attributed to the second.

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I mean uh you have to say something slightly stronger than they are logical independent.
They have to be logical independent and they also have to imply a verdict on every one of the propositions you're interested in.
But in some cases that can be done.
I I don't mean to suggest that these two are the only two ways of actually producing an alternative to the majority rule.
And in fact I think the way in which researchers in this field think is not so much by thinking of alternative rules, but by thinking of constraints.
So the way in which the research proceeds here is by saying something like
Well, there are so many things I want out of an aggregation rule.
I want it to give me some sense of fairness, for example, some sense in which the identity of the voters does not matter.
I want it to be in some way responsive to which proposition has the most votes, for example.
And so what people try to do is formalize constraints or like give precise constraints that will represent all the things that we desire about these aggregation rules.
Um one of the central methodologies of the field is to try to figure out which sets of constraints are compatible with each other and which sets of constraints are not compatible with each other.
Yes.
So actually I did not call it dependence myself.
It was a it's called independence a as a part of the folk terminology for this.
But uh the constraint says that the collective outcome, so the collective belief on a particular proposition, say Q, or whether the parliament should move to Berlin, is uniquely determined by the opinions of the members of the group on that proposition alone.
So there are general theoretical and also specific reasons why I think we should resist this constraint.
The particular reason, like the specific reason, is that I think the sense of uh collective opinion that we want is much more sensitive to the reasons that people produce in support of a certain proposition.
So just to give you an example, consider again the proposition that let's say that the parliament and the government should be in the same city.
Uh there are two ways of believing that proposition.
You could think that the parliament and the government should be in the same city and that they should both be in Berlin.
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