Heather Cox Richardson
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What William McKinley really stood for was an economic system in which a very few people got extraordinarily wealthy and everybody else served them. So think, for example, of what we now know as the Gospel of Wealth by Andrew Carnegie. And in that was originally known as wealth.
What William McKinley really stood for was an economic system in which a very few people got extraordinarily wealthy and everybody else served them. So think, for example, of what we now know as the Gospel of Wealth by Andrew Carnegie. And in that was originally known as wealth.
And in that, Carnegie makes an argument that is very similar to that of the elite Southern enslavers before the Civil War, in which he says, listen, the wealthy, the extremely wealthy are really the stewards of America's wealth. That you don't, and I'm paraphrasing, the stewards of wealth is not paraphrased, but the rest of this is.
And in that, Carnegie makes an argument that is very similar to that of the elite Southern enslavers before the Civil War, in which he says, listen, the wealthy, the extremely wealthy are really the stewards of America's wealth. That you don't, and I'm paraphrasing, the stewards of wealth is not paraphrased, but the rest of this is.
And in that, Carnegie makes an argument that is very similar to that of the elite Southern enslavers before the Civil War, in which he says, listen, the wealthy, the extremely wealthy are really the stewards of America's wealth. That you don't, and I'm paraphrasing, the stewards of wealth is not paraphrased, but the rest of this is.
But what he says is that, you know, you don't really want to make sure your workers have a living wage. And, you know, strikers are against America and all that. And people should live the way they are living. Because if you give your workers more of what they have created through their labor, then they're going to waste it in housing and clothes and leisure time.
But what he says is that, you know, you don't really want to make sure your workers have a living wage. And, you know, strikers are against America and all that. And people should live the way they are living. Because if you give your workers more of what they have created through their labor, then they're going to waste it in housing and clothes and leisure time.
But what he says is that, you know, you don't really want to make sure your workers have a living wage. And, you know, strikers are against America and all that. And people should live the way they are living. Because if you give your workers more of what they have created through their labor, then they're going to waste it in housing and clothes and leisure time.
And that's not going to move society forward. What you really need to do is have those people's labor directed and their habits and their lives overseen by their betters, by their masters of industry in this case, in order to accumulate all this wealth at the very top. And then those people at the very top will make decisions about how the people's wealth should be spent.
And that's not going to move society forward. What you really need to do is have those people's labor directed and their habits and their lives overseen by their betters, by their masters of industry in this case, in order to accumulate all this wealth at the very top. And then those people at the very top will make decisions about how the people's wealth should be spent.
And that's not going to move society forward. What you really need to do is have those people's labor directed and their habits and their lives overseen by their betters, by their masters of industry in this case, in order to accumulate all this wealth at the very top. And then those people at the very top will make decisions about how the people's wealth should be spent.
And this was their idea of a great society. And when Trump used to talk about how this was the richest time in American history, it was not the richest time in American history for all Americans by any stretch of the imagination. It was the richest time in American history for people like Andrew Carnegie and J.D.
And this was their idea of a great society. And when Trump used to talk about how this was the richest time in American history, it was not the richest time in American history for all Americans by any stretch of the imagination. It was the richest time in American history for people like Andrew Carnegie and J.D.
And this was their idea of a great society. And when Trump used to talk about how this was the richest time in American history, it was not the richest time in American history for all Americans by any stretch of the imagination. It was the richest time in American history for people like Andrew Carnegie and J.D.
Rockefeller and, you know, and Nelson Aldrich and all those people who were running the government. And what they did in that period was there was a marriage of government and big business. Quite literally, you know, J.D. Rockefeller's son married Nelson Aldrich's daughter. And that's who Nelson Rockefeller was, the child of those two.
Rockefeller and, you know, and Nelson Aldrich and all those people who were running the government. And what they did in that period was there was a marriage of government and big business. Quite literally, you know, J.D. Rockefeller's son married Nelson Aldrich's daughter. And that's who Nelson Rockefeller was, the child of those two.
Rockefeller and, you know, and Nelson Aldrich and all those people who were running the government. And what they did in that period was there was a marriage of government and big business. Quite literally, you know, J.D. Rockefeller's son married Nelson Aldrich's daughter. And that's who Nelson Rockefeller was, the child of those two.
There was literally this marriage of the extremely wealthy and the government. And senators would literally introduce themselves as the senator for the sugar trust, for example. And the idea was that you had created this world where the very wealthy, the capitalists, and this I think is where we got our concept of American capitalism, very wealthy people running the government.
There was literally this marriage of the extremely wealthy and the government. And senators would literally introduce themselves as the senator for the sugar trust, for example. And the idea was that you had created this world where the very wealthy, the capitalists, and this I think is where we got our concept of American capitalism, very wealthy people running the government.
There was literally this marriage of the extremely wealthy and the government. And senators would literally introduce themselves as the senator for the sugar trust, for example. And the idea was that you had created this world where the very wealthy, the capitalists, and this I think is where we got our concept of American capitalism, very wealthy people running the government.