Steven Hahn

But, I mean, you know, Joseph McCarthy fit into a framework in which a lot of this was going on anyway. And it was not only going on among Republicans. It was going on among Democrats. I mean, what historians have found is that actually the people who voted for populists in the past were not the people who voted for McCarthy, at least in terms of their social profiles.

But, I mean, you know, Joseph McCarthy fit into a framework in which a lot of this was going on anyway. And it was not only going on among Republicans. It was going on among Democrats. I mean, what historians have found is that actually the people who voted for populists in the past were not the people who voted for McCarthy, at least in terms of their social profiles.

And so that was sort of debunked. and that McCarthy was not a kind of new 19th century populism. He was really appealing to a different kind of constituency, obviously more native-born, but not entirely native-born, people who were sort of small business types.

And so that was sort of debunked. and that McCarthy was not a kind of new 19th century populism. He was really appealing to a different kind of constituency, obviously more native-born, but not entirely native-born, people who were sort of small business types.

You know, one of the things we have to recognize is that the federal state grew enormously from the 1930s through the 1940s into the 1950s. You know, I think McCarthy was in part representing a certain unease and suspicions about that, about a world of people who were trained into these institutions, what expansive and bureaucratic institutions might involve.

You know, one of the things we have to recognize is that the federal state grew enormously from the 1930s through the 1940s into the 1950s. You know, I think McCarthy was in part representing a certain unease and suspicions about that, about a world of people who were trained into these institutions, what expansive and bureaucratic institutions might involve.

There's no question, I think, that he directed attention and concern to institutions that really didn't have a deep history in the United States, that were far from the direct reach of many Americans who were themselves experiencing enormous change, whether it had to do in bigger cities.

There's no question, I think, that he directed attention and concern to institutions that really didn't have a deep history in the United States, that were far from the direct reach of many Americans who were themselves experiencing enormous change, whether it had to do in bigger cities.

I mean, a lot of these struggles over housing, you know, people have this idea, well, it wasn't until the 1960s when the urban uprisings began, but actually it was much earlier as there were housing shortages, there were population demographic migrations. And so I think he did appeal to those who were trying to hold on to a kind of sense of community that they saw in part being overrun.

I mean, a lot of these struggles over housing, you know, people have this idea, well, it wasn't until the 1960s when the urban uprisings began, but actually it was much earlier as there were housing shortages, there were population demographic migrations. And so I think he did appeal to those who were trying to hold on to a kind of sense of community that they saw in part being overrun.

And by going after the institutions and suggesting that not only were they far from you, but they were being infested by people who didn't have your interests in mind at all, whatever you understood about socialism, communism, or the left.

And by going after the institutions and suggesting that not only were they far from you, but they were being infested by people who didn't have your interests in mind at all, whatever you understood about socialism, communism, or the left.

I think the response was mostly bending the knee. I think that universities, workplaces, other institutions were very quick to try to identify people who could be regarded as threats. And for the most part, they were expelled. People lost their jobs. They were blacklisted. They were run out of important political positions or they could not seek.

I think the response was mostly bending the knee. I think that universities, workplaces, other institutions were very quick to try to identify people who could be regarded as threats. And for the most part, they were expelled. People lost their jobs. They were blacklisted. They were run out of important political positions or they could not seek.

They were excluded from labor unions at a very critical point in our labor history in the late 1940s, early 1950s, when organizations like the CIO were increasingly powerful. So I do think that bending the knee, especially in the face of what seems to be significant power is not uncommon and is a worrisome precedent.

They were excluded from labor unions at a very critical point in our labor history in the late 1940s, early 1950s, when organizations like the CIO were increasingly powerful. So I do think that bending the knee, especially in the face of what seems to be significant power is not uncommon and is a worrisome precedent.

I think that one of the challenges that liberals have had is that even though they may embrace a whole variety of ideas and relationships that we may find admirable, that nonetheless, I think they are interested in maintaining social order. That in many of them, they still do have an acceptance of cultural hierarchies. I mean, look, the liberals played a very important role

I think that one of the challenges that liberals have had is that even though they may embrace a whole variety of ideas and relationships that we may find admirable, that nonetheless, I think they are interested in maintaining social order. That in many of them, they still do have an acceptance of cultural hierarchies. I mean, look, the liberals played a very important role

in so-called McCarthyism. I mean, they were the leaders. Arthur Schlesinger and the establishment of Americans for Democratic Action and all of this was to try to sort of hive liberals off the left of American society. Not only that, but condemn the left as followers and people who really should be subject to deep suspicion. And it was okay if you fired them

in so-called McCarthyism. I mean, they were the leaders. Arthur Schlesinger and the establishment of Americans for Democratic Action and all of this was to try to sort of hive liberals off the left of American society. Not only that, but condemn the left as followers and people who really should be subject to deep suspicion. And it was okay if you fired them