Steven Hahn

I agree. I do think it is important to recognize the kind of social basis that existed for these ideas. Because, you know, as horrific as we may find it, you know, disenfranchisement and segregation, Jim Crow, as we call it, only had pushback coming from the, you know, African-Americans and not all of them. but most of them.

I agree. I do think it is important to recognize the kind of social basis that existed for these ideas. Because, you know, as horrific as we may find it, you know, disenfranchisement and segregation, Jim Crow, as we call it, only had pushback coming from the, you know, African-Americans and not all of them. but most of them.

And most white Americans and political leaders thought that this was a perfectly reasonable, perfectly modern way of choreographing the great diversity and inequalities that existed in American society. So there's no question that these right-wing groups really did fulfill a need, but, you know, a sense of community building,

And most white Americans and political leaders thought that this was a perfectly reasonable, perfectly modern way of choreographing the great diversity and inequalities that existed in American society. So there's no question that these right-wing groups really did fulfill a need, but, you know, a sense of community building,

a sense of what belonging was, belonging that not only included people you were comfortable with and you thought were part of the community, but non-belonging and the resistance or expulsion of those or the repression of those who you saw as political threats.

a sense of what belonging was, belonging that not only included people you were comfortable with and you thought were part of the community, but non-belonging and the resistance or expulsion of those or the repression of those who you saw as political threats.

Well, you know, that was really the first major immigration act that was passed. It established quotas for the first time. Before then, it was really the Chinese and then Asian Exclusion Acts, which were not designed to have quotas, but designed not to have people from Asia come to the United States. The 1924 Immigration Act was different, and it was organized in such a way that it

Well, you know, that was really the first major immigration act that was passed. It established quotas for the first time. Before then, it was really the Chinese and then Asian Exclusion Acts, which were not designed to have quotas, but designed not to have people from Asia come to the United States. The 1924 Immigration Act was different, and it was organized in such a way that it

really did try to undercut the migration of people from certain parts of the world who were regarded as culturally unassimilable, as politically objectionable, as people who were breeders and therefore threatened the population balances in the United States, not simply by the numbers who arrive, but by the population increase once they got to the United States.

really did try to undercut the migration of people from certain parts of the world who were regarded as culturally unassimilable, as politically objectionable, as people who were breeders and therefore threatened the population balances in the United States, not simply by the numbers who arrive, but by the population increase once they got to the United States.

And, you know, when it was passed, I mean, in most major journalistic venues, it was celebrated. The New York Times, the LA Times, everyone sort of saying, yeah, this was the way in which we could preserve an America that we feel comfortable with.

And, you know, when it was passed, I mean, in most major journalistic venues, it was celebrated. The New York Times, the LA Times, everyone sort of saying, yeah, this was the way in which we could preserve an America that we feel comfortable with.

This was a law that was in force until 1965, not to mention that Jews who were trying to flee Nazi Germany and then the Holocaust were themselves harmed by this. But I think it's part of a piece of what's happening in the 1920s as trying to offer belonging to people who could be easily assimilated and offering little but repression or non-belonging to people who couldn't.

This was a law that was in force until 1965, not to mention that Jews who were trying to flee Nazi Germany and then the Holocaust were themselves harmed by this. But I think it's part of a piece of what's happening in the 1920s as trying to offer belonging to people who could be easily assimilated and offering little but repression or non-belonging to people who couldn't.

Well, you know, one of the things that became part of the reception of McCarthyism, especially among historians, was to liken it to 19th century populism because they saw very much of what you're describing, the kind of anti-elitism that

Well, you know, one of the things that became part of the reception of McCarthyism, especially among historians, was to liken it to 19th century populism because they saw very much of what you're describing, the kind of anti-elitism that

his emergence out of a particular social setting, his finding of enemies, internal as well as external, at a time when mass movements were held in a lot of suspicion by historians, journalists, and scholars because they had just come out of a war recognizing that fascism was a mass movement. It wasn't simply taking a power coup d'etat on the part of a small group. elite or oligarchy.

his emergence out of a particular social setting, his finding of enemies, internal as well as external, at a time when mass movements were held in a lot of suspicion by historians, journalists, and scholars because they had just come out of a war recognizing that fascism was a mass movement. It wasn't simply taking a power coup d'etat on the part of a small group. elite or oligarchy.

And so, you know, McCarthy is now, not surprisingly, getting a new look by people on the political right precisely because they felt that he had the courage to stand up to those who were threatening American values and American politics. And he did this, you know, at great, in the end, personal cost.

And so, you know, McCarthy is now, not surprisingly, getting a new look by people on the political right precisely because they felt that he had the courage to stand up to those who were threatening American values and American politics. And he did this, you know, at great, in the end, personal cost.