Vejas Liulevicius

And that's what makes the 19th century so compelling as a story just because of the sheer vitality of the arguments that are taking place in ways big and small. Right.

And that's what makes the 19th century so compelling as a story just because of the sheer vitality of the arguments that are taking place in ways big and small. Right.

Yeah, absolutely. I mean, this is definitely a factor in the entire history that we're referencing. Marx and Engels never really shed their identity as Germans.

Yeah, absolutely. I mean, this is definitely a factor in the entire history that we're referencing. Marx and Engels never really shed their identity as Germans.

Yeah, absolutely. I mean, this is definitely a factor in the entire history that we're referencing. Marx and Engels never really shed their identity as Germans.

Many of their preconceptions, even those traces of nationalism that they had within themselves, even as they were condemning nationalism as a fraud against the working class, clearly their entire formation had been affected by their German background. And it's very true, as you point out, that Germany is intended to be the place where these predictions will play out.

Many of their preconceptions, even those traces of nationalism that they had within themselves, even as they were condemning nationalism as a fraud against the working class, clearly their entire formation had been affected by their German background. And it's very true, as you point out, that Germany is intended to be the place where these predictions will play out.

Many of their preconceptions, even those traces of nationalism that they had within themselves, even as they were condemning nationalism as a fraud against the working class, clearly their entire formation had been affected by their German background. And it's very true, as you point out, that Germany is intended to be the place where these predictions will play out.

Also in Britain, also in France, also eventually in the United States. But it's Germany by virtue of its central location and then its rapid development later than Britain or France in industrialization give it this special role in Marx's worldview.

Also in Britain, also in France, also eventually in the United States. But it's Germany by virtue of its central location and then its rapid development later than Britain or France in industrialization give it this special role in Marx's worldview.

Also in Britain, also in France, also eventually in the United States. But it's Germany by virtue of its central location and then its rapid development later than Britain or France in industrialization give it this special role in Marx's worldview.

And so it's a lasting irony or a central irony of this whole story that when a government establishes itself that claims to be following Marxist prescriptions and realizing his vision, it happens in the wreckage of the Russian Empire, a place that did not match the requirements of being industrialized, developed well on its way in this historical process.

And so it's a lasting irony or a central irony of this whole story that when a government establishes itself that claims to be following Marxist prescriptions and realizing his vision, it happens in the wreckage of the Russian Empire, a place that did not match the requirements of being industrialized, developed well on its way in this historical process.

And so it's a lasting irony or a central irony of this whole story that when a government establishes itself that claims to be following Marxist prescriptions and realizing his vision, it happens in the wreckage of the Russian Empire, a place that did not match the requirements of being industrialized, developed well on its way in this historical process.

And nobody knew this better than the Bolsheviks. Lenin and his colleagues had a keen sense that what they were doing, exciting as it was, was a gamble. It was a risk because, in fact, the revolution to really take hold had to seize power in Germany. And that's why immediately after taking power, they're not sure they're going to last. Their hope, their promise of salvation is that

And nobody knew this better than the Bolsheviks. Lenin and his colleagues had a keen sense that what they were doing, exciting as it was, was a gamble. It was a risk because, in fact, the revolution to really take hold had to seize power in Germany. And that's why immediately after taking power, they're not sure they're going to last. Their hope, their promise of salvation is that

And nobody knew this better than the Bolsheviks. Lenin and his colleagues had a keen sense that what they were doing, exciting as it was, was a gamble. It was a risk because, in fact, the revolution to really take hold had to seize power in Germany. And that's why immediately after taking power, they're not sure they're going to last. Their hope, their promise of salvation is that

a workers' revolution will erupt in Germany, defeated Germany, in order to link up with the one that has been launched in this unlikely Russian location. And henceforth, great things will follow that do hew to Marx's historical vision. The last thing to mention about this is that this... predominance of Germany in the thinking of Marx had two other reflections.

a workers' revolution will erupt in Germany, defeated Germany, in order to link up with the one that has been launched in this unlikely Russian location. And henceforth, great things will follow that do hew to Marx's historical vision. The last thing to mention about this is that this... predominance of Germany in the thinking of Marx had two other reflections.

a workers' revolution will erupt in Germany, defeated Germany, in order to link up with the one that has been launched in this unlikely Russian location. And henceforth, great things will follow that do hew to Marx's historical vision. The last thing to mention about this is that this... predominance of Germany in the thinking of Marx had two other reflections.