Dan Hodges

I mean, remember, let's just sort of invert the issue for a second.

Keir Starmer is, I think, by common consent, one of the most unpopular prime ministers in British political history.

I mean, his approval ratings are on such a negative level that they're off the charts.

We're midterm.

Governing parties never win by-elections mid-term.

We came out of a backdrop of local elections in which Labour were routed.

And yet, as I said, again, in a major parliamentary by-election,

reform didn't even come close.

Now I think, you know, in a moment we can get onto the broader structural issues that this by-election threw up.

Reform's broader strategy, how reform tried to deal with the restore, reform's candidate selection again.

But the reality is, you know, and I've seen this, you know, again, with respect to Julia, I've seen lots of people from reform trying to dismiss this.

Yeah, reform can dismiss it if they want.

And reform can just say, oh, well, you know, it doesn't matter.

It was Andy, but it was the Andy Burnham effect, yada, yada, yada.

But as I said, there is a fundamental thing that we're starting to see happening now.

I mean, you said about how the left were united against reform in this by-election.

But there were also significant elements on the right that were also arranged against

reform obviously there's the restore issue what struck me though was the number of concert now obviously there's not a huge conservative vote here but what was very clear was that that there were large numbers of conservative voters who were basically you know again they said it to me on the doorstep look never voted labor in my life don't mind any Andy Burnham dislike Keir Starmer

but I'm not going to have reform representing me in this seat.

And that's conservative voters.