Hahrie Han

The real world turns out to be really messy.

The real world turns out to be really messy.

So... So about 70% of Americans identify as Christian. Within that, the largest kind of grouping is probably non-denominational evangelicals, right? But there's also large groupings of Catholics, obviously, and other denominations within that. And so the estimates vary. I will say that...

So... So about 70% of Americans identify as Christian. Within that, the largest kind of grouping is probably non-denominational evangelicals, right? But there's also large groupings of Catholics, obviously, and other denominations within that. And so the estimates vary. I will say that...

You know, there's a sociologist at Carleton College named Wes Markowski who has developed this term that he calls the other evangelicals, which are basically people who are evangelical by faith in the sense that they believe in the core tenets that define evangelicalism, but they reject the political identity of evangelicalism.

You know, there's a sociologist at Carleton College named Wes Markowski who has developed this term that he calls the other evangelicals, which are basically people who are evangelical by faith in the sense that they believe in the core tenets that define evangelicalism, but they reject the political identity of evangelicalism.

He estimates that that represents about 30 to 35% of evangelicals by faith, which is about comparable to the estimates of what percentage of evangelicals are Christian nationalists. So you can imagine that if we have a distribution, about a third on one side are sort of kind of a more authoritarian Christian nationalist side, and then about a third is what Markovsky might call other evangelicals.

He estimates that that represents about 30 to 35% of evangelicals by faith, which is about comparable to the estimates of what percentage of evangelicals are Christian nationalists. So you can imagine that if we have a distribution, about a third on one side are sort of kind of a more authoritarian Christian nationalist side, and then about a third is what Markovsky might call other evangelicals.

But again, the data here is really murky. And so these are all estimates based on putting a variety of data points together.

But again, the data here is really murky. And so these are all estimates based on putting a variety of data points together.

I think the estimates that I've seen are usually around 30% to 35% of Americans overall.

I think the estimates that I've seen are usually around 30% to 35% of Americans overall.

Yeah, yeah. It's a non-trivial. And that number includes, I think, not just white evangelicals. I think the data that I've been talking about is primarily within the white evangelical community.

Yeah, yeah. It's a non-trivial. And that number includes, I think, not just white evangelicals. I think the data that I've been talking about is primarily within the white evangelical community.

I mean, I think it's a very – actually, I will say I don't know that I've seen a ton of theorizing in the sense that I think the assumption is that it's a very instrumental deal on both sides. Transactional. Yeah, it's super transactional that Trump wants – He needs votes. He needs support. You know, he had whatever it is that drives Donald Trump. Right.

I mean, I think it's a very – actually, I will say I don't know that I've seen a ton of theorizing in the sense that I think the assumption is that it's a very instrumental deal on both sides. Transactional. Yeah, it's super transactional that Trump wants – He needs votes. He needs support. You know, he had whatever it is that drives Donald Trump. Right.

You know, he's pretty transparent about a set of things. The evangelical community was willing to deliver it to him or a certain portion of the evangelical community, I should say, is willing to deliver it to him. And on their side, they felt that in return. You know, they saw the realization of a set of political priorities that had been on the agenda for, you know, for several decades now.

You know, he's pretty transparent about a set of things. The evangelical community was willing to deliver it to him or a certain portion of the evangelical community, I should say, is willing to deliver it to him. And on their side, they felt that in return. You know, they saw the realization of a set of political priorities that had been on the agenda for, you know, for several decades now.

And so, you know, there was that transactional relationship that I think is part of, at least certainly in the book and the research that I did around it, kind of stressed that. The, you know, relationship between people who were evangelical by faith, were maybe a little bit uncomfortable with some things in the political identity, but weren't really sure what to think about it.

And so, you know, there was that transactional relationship that I think is part of, at least certainly in the book and the research that I did around it, kind of stressed that. The, you know, relationship between people who were evangelical by faith, were maybe a little bit uncomfortable with some things in the political identity, but weren't really sure what to think about it.