Lee Jussim

speaker
183 appearances 1 recordings 1 series first heard Dec 2024 last heard Dec 2024

Lee Jussim’s voice in public audio — every appearance, attributed to the second.

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Yes, that is probably what D'Angelo would say. I don't know. Actually, I can tell you a little bit what Kendi did say because he was asked about it. He did not say that. If someone said that, I would say, well, in our scenario, none of that was evident. You had to read that into the scenario. And that is the point.
Because anyone can look at the scenario. People didn't even have racial information about the admissions officer and the applicant.
Yes, yes.
Well, it is germane. Kind of. So on the narrow issue of how long do the effects we observed in this study last, we didn't study that. Right, right. So I have no answer to that. Yeah, of course. Okay. But given that we observed the effects that we did, the sort of people concocting racism where there was no evidence of it,
on the basis of a very minor intervention, that's like reading a single paragraph, it at least raises the possibility that when people are in a culture or organizational context in which this type of rhetoric is pervasive, that they are constantly being exposed or primed to think about race in these terms
And because of the steady diet of this kind of rhetoric, the effects are likely to be more enduring than anything we could possibly observe.
I mean, you're speaking to the social reward.
Well, I think most of his was from actually—what's his name? Jack Dorsey from Twitter, I think, gave him $10 million. So at least it wasn't state money, right?
No, it's three studies. Three studies. So it's essentially the same structure for an anti-Islamophobia intervention and an anti-caste oppression. And it's essentially the same results. There's little minor differences. But it's essentially the same pattern of results. They're not— So these studies I conducted in collaboration with the NCRI. NCRI is the Network Contagion Research Institute.
They are a freestanding research institute that started out mostly doing research along the lines of this sort of large language model stuff that you were talking about earlier, analysis of social media and analysis of technology. radicalism, conspiracy theories, hate, sort of groups and individuals mobilizing online. And they've done it with all sorts of stuff.
They've done it with COVID conspiracies. They've done it with QAnon. They've done it with Islamophobia. They've done it with anti-Hindu hate. They've done it with anti-Semitism. They were the first group of any kind, as far as I know,
In the summer of 2020, the height of the George Floyd social justice protests, which as you remember the rhetoric on the left, this is consistent with what you were talking about earlier about how the left isn't – the reasonable left is in complete denial of the far left. It is literally true that most of the protests were peaceful. Yeah.
Whenever someone would present evidence of some protests not being peaceful at all, like firebombing a police station or capturing downtown Seattle or all sorts of, you know, setting, by creating a sort of setting the stage for lawlessness, you would have looting and robberies that weren't really part of the protest, but people were taking advantage of the sort of police-free zones and stuff.
When you would talk about that, the response was, this is all just right-wing... Of course.
And that's seriously wrong. Okay, so this, enter the NCRI. So... In summer of 2020, when this was all the record, most of the protests, complete denial, mainstream media, that there was violence and bombings and all sorts of other stuff, the NCRI, this is the first project I did with them, produces an analysis finding that the far-left groups
not conventional liberals or Democrats, but these far-left radical groups were exploiting the earnest commitment to anti-racism or the social justice on the part of people justifiably upset about George Floyd's murder and the implications about that for racism beyond that. But these far-left groups were exploiting that
to both gin up supporters and to mobilize online, this is all occurring on social media, to capture protests, to ratchet up and inspire more aggressive violence at the protests.
I know, right. Clearly. If you believe in criminals. Yeah, right. Right, okay. So, and then Sarah would... in this report would then link the increased online activity. You know, there'd be memes like ACAB, all cops are bastards. You know, so there'd be things like that. And some of the groups were actually using social media to coordinate their, you know, the sort of violent protest activities.
So live, I'm making this up, but it was this kind of thing. People would be, you know, at these protests on their phones. They would get instructions from some sort of central place that the cops were over here, so everybody needs to go over there. And that's how they would avoid.
So they were getting tactical instructions live via social media in addition to sort of ginning up the rhetoric to garner support and adherence. Okay. So before they brought me on, maybe two or three months before, the NCRI had posted a report on how far right groups do essentially the same thing.
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