Mouin Rabbani
speaker
309 appearances
1 recordings
1 series
first heard Mar 2024
last heard Mar 2024
Mouin Rabbani’s voice in public audio — every appearance, attributed to the second.
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Appearances
Well...
Yeah, in the 40s, yeah. And we're talking now about 1917. And as I mentioned earlier, I don't think the British had a Jewish state in mind. That's why they used the term Jewish national home. I think what they wanted was a British protectorate, loyal to and dependent upon the British.
I think an outstanding review of British policy towards these issues during the mandate has been done by Martin Bunton of the University of Victoria. And he basically makes the argument that once the British realized the mess they were in, certainly by the late 20s, early 30s, they recognized the mess they were in, the irreconcilable differences, and basically pursued a policy of just muddling on.
And muddling on in the context of British rule in Palestine, whose overall purpose was to serve for the development of Zionist institutions, Yeshuv's economy and so on, meant even if the British were not self-consciously doing this, preparing the groundwork for the eventual establishment of a Jewish state. I don't know if that answers your question.
Yes, of course.
And if I may, just also one point. You mentioned Haj Amin al-Husseini during... Well, entirely legitimate. But what I would also point out is that you had a Zionist organization, the Lehi. 300 people. 300 people, one of whom happened to become an Israeli prime minister, an Israeli foreign minister, a speaker of Israeli parliament.
Yitzhak Shamir proposing an alliance with Nazi Germany in 1941. Shamir proposed? Well, no, the Lehi proposed. Some people in the Lehi proposed. Of which Shamir was a prominent leader. Yeah, but this is a red herring also. No, no. Okay, well, if he's a red herring, I'm sorry.
They approached the German emissary in Istanbul or something. Yes. And if I may... proposed an alliance with Nazi Germany on what the Leahy described as on the basis of shared ideological principles. Well, they said they did.
That's what they wanted. What did the agreement say? Well, that's what Haj Amin al-Husseini wanted also. That's what others in India and elsewhere.
Yes. And Hashemir called himself a terrorist. They were so irrelevant that their leader ended up being kicked upstairs to the leader of the Israeli parliament.
To the Israeli foreign minister.
You want to characterize him as irrelevant as well? Go ahead.
But if we're agreed that Hajj Amin al-Husseini, the Mufti of Jerusalem, collaborated with the Nazis during World War II and actively sought their sponsorship, why is it irrelevant?
He probably wanted a lot of things. If that's relevant, why is it irrelevant That a prime minister of Israel... Not prime minister.
Do you consider it irrelevant that many years ago, Mahmoud Abbas wrote a doctoral thesis, which is basically tantamount... It showed something about Mahmoud Abbas.
Yes, but you consider that relevant.
I think that's a fair characterization of Mahmoud Abbas. But I didn't bring it up. I brought it up. Yeah. Okay. Because my question is, then why is Shamir's antecedency relevant?
That was the point. And I explained why I think that's not an entirely... accurate characterization. And then I wanted to make another point. If it's legitimate to bring up his role during World War II, why is it illegitimate to bring up a man who would become Israel's speaker of parliament, foreign minister? Yes. Why is it? And also- He was a young terrorist. And was also responsible for
for the murder of the United Nations' first international envoy, Bernadotti, Foki Bernadotti. Why is all that irrelevant?
Actually, Benny Morris made the specific claim that the Palestinians played an indirect role in the Holocaust.
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