Professor Nicole Hemmer
speaker
296 appearances
5 recordings
1 series
first heard Apr 2025
last heard Jun 2025
Professor Nicole Hemmer’s voice in public audio — every appearance, attributed to the second.
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And there were some conflicts over taxing, over labor between these oil companies that had been owned by investors in the United States and Great Britain. So as a result of these labor disputes, Cárdenas decides, Resolves them by nationalizing Mexico's oil industry. And there's this question of how is the United States going to respond?
But you'll remember, this is the late 1930s and things are getting pretty ugly over in Europe. And Cardenas is pretty astute and he manages to suggest that, well, maybe we'll sell oil to the Germans or to the Japanese. You know, if the United States isn't going to buy our oil... While we have other options. And so FDR, President Roosevelt, decides, okay, we're going to be good neighbors.
We are actually going to live up to our good neighbor policy. And we are going to accept the nationalization. We are going to encourage these oil companies to accept the compensation that the Mexican government is offering. You know, they compensate the companies. They don't just take the oil industry away.
Und so ist es die Höhe des mexikanischen Nationalismus, wenn Mexiko supposedly völlig unabhängig wird, ist es so, wie sie es bezeichnen.
Ja, vollständig die Ökonomien dieser drei Nationen Nordamerikas zu integrieren. Und es war auch bipartisan.
Sure. So NAFTA did significantly increase trade across the three nations. It did help the manufacturing sector significantly. It created a lot of jobs, especially in Mexico, especially in agriculture and manufacturing. And the trade numbers were just astounding. The increase in trade and in production was significant. But it also had some very serious environmental problems.
Die Umgebung wurde komplett aus dem Vertrag entfernt. So war auch die Immigration. Das war einfach zu kontrovers, um den Vertrag anzunehmen. Das waren also andere Verträge, die nicht so gut erforscht wurden. Man bekommt also mehr Jobs in Mexiko, aber sie sind nicht sehr gut bezahlt. Viele kleine Landwirte in Mexiko verlieren Land für große Agrarunternehmen.
Das erhöht die Immigration in die USA aus Mexiko. It also contributes to the growth of things called maquiladoras along the US-Mexican border on the Mexican side, where these big factories, where Mexican workers are hired at very low-paying jobs. But it also contributes to internal migration within Mexico. So people are moving from southern Mexico to the border to work in these factories.
And there's not much regulation in terms of wages or job protection or environmental factors.
Some parts certainly. So trade and manufacturing definitely benefit. You do lose some jobs. Quite a few jobs do move to Mexico where people accept lower wages, where the wages are lower. And so businesses don't have to pay their workers as much in Mexico.
And so you do lose some jobs, but then because trade is increasing, other sectors of the US population benefit because you are getting more purchasing power across the board, better products, cheaper products mostly. And so in some ways, yes, the US benefits in some ways. No, all three countries suffer some of the consequences.
It got revised under Trump, his first presidency. They revised NAFTA into the US-Mexico-Canada Agreement, I think it's called. And so they keep a lot of the structure of NAFTA, but they updated some of its things, like having to do with intellectual property. They do include labor this time around, I believe. And so it gets updated more than replaced.
Es ist eine interessante Frage, weil wir über die Kartelle reden, aber die Hauptverbrecher, die Hauptpersonen, die das Verbrechen in Mexiko kontrollieren, waren in der Regierung. And so it was actually the Mexican government, specifically the PRI, a lot of the security forces, the police, the intelligence services were very much connected to the drug trade. And they were the ones managing it.
So you have these traffickers who are the ones moving drugs and growing drugs. But the government was the one controlling the industry. Toward the end of the 20th century, toward the late 1990s, that's when the PRI is starting to lose influence. Kontrolle über Mexiko und das Einzelpartei-State, das die mexikanische Politik so lange nach der Revolution kontrollierte. That starts to crumble.
And so you start to see more competition for the drug trade happening and people competing to decide who's going to control this extremely profitable industry. And so that's part of why you see the violence escalating in the later years of the 20th century is because the competition is increasing. Once you lose competition, This single controlling factor.
And so part of it's what's happening in the United States, right? You know, Nixon and Reagan declaring war on drugs. But a lot of it's also these changes that are happening in Mexico.
Yeah, the civil wars in Central America are happening at the same time that the drug industry is booming. And there's often connections, right, between, you know, the CIA and the DEA. And, you know, at the same time that some people are trying to fight drug trafficking, other people are using drug traffickers to smuggle weapons to counter revolutionary groups. And so the violence and the chaos...
In Central America especially drives this sudden migration flow north as people are trying to escape what's going on there. Their lives have been destroyed. So they try to find security in the United States.
I think it's going downhill real fast. I think this attitude of blaming the Mexicans for all our problems, of even saying that, okay, we're going to send the US Army into Mexico to fight drug trafficking, is completely disrespectful of Mexican sovereignty and has never worked before. We tried sending the US Army in to hunt down Pancho Villa and look how that worked out. It's ludicrous.
And so the attitude toward Mexico, the antagonism, Es ist völlig unproduktiv. Es wird nicht den Vereinigten Staaten helfen. Es isoliert uns. Es verursacht Probleme mit unseren nahesten Partnern. Die erfolgreichsten Partnerschaften, die wir mit Mexiko hatten, waren zum Beispiel während der guten Nachbarn-Jahre, als wir unter Roosevelt sie mit Respekt behandelt haben.
Showing 61–80 of 296 · page 4 of 15
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