Sohrab Ahmari

Where the podcast, it was a company podcast and some lady came on and said, hello, my name is so-and-so. I'm proud to serve as your diversity and inclusion chief. I use she, her pronouns. And I just want to acknowledge that I'm coming to you from the traditional lands of the Ohlone people. By the way, the topic of this podcast is why you shouldn't join a labor union, right? Right.

Where the podcast, it was a company podcast and some lady came on and said, hello, my name is so-and-so. I'm proud to serve as your diversity and inclusion chief. I use she, her pronouns. And I just want to acknowledge that I'm coming to you from the traditional lands of the Ohlone people. By the way, the topic of this podcast is why you shouldn't join a labor union, right? Right.

I mean, the examples are legion and it just shows you that kind of the PMC left did do harm because it associated, it blended some legitimate economically redistributive policies that I would support with a bunch of nonsense that ordinary people like got really fed up with.

I mean, the examples are legion and it just shows you that kind of the PMC left did do harm because it associated, it blended some legitimate economically redistributive policies that I would support with a bunch of nonsense that ordinary people like got really fed up with.

And it's amazing now that like the same Bezos who marched at the forefront of kind of the Black Lives Matter column five years ago is now issuing diktats to his newspaper that he owns, the Washington Post editorial page saying, you know, don't be so woke. Yeah. Isn't it telling that it's the same guy?

And it's amazing now that like the same Bezos who marched at the forefront of kind of the Black Lives Matter column five years ago is now issuing diktats to his newspaper that he owns, the Washington Post editorial page saying, you know, don't be so woke. Yeah. Isn't it telling that it's the same guy?

Yeah, I disagree. I think that for the most part, it was about making the C-suite, making it more diverse, but not really changing the power dynamics between the C-suite and the assetless majority. That's my point. My point is- I get that, but I just put a more negative spin on it even.

Yeah, I disagree. I think that for the most part, it was about making the C-suite, making it more diverse, but not really changing the power dynamics between the C-suite and the assetless majority. That's my point. My point is- I get that, but I just put a more negative spin on it even.

I would just put the emphasis on class, genuinely, as opposed to these other identitarian dimensions, because in a very real way, lots of those kind of DEI, woke cultures, practices, et cetera, cashed out as, you know, hey, you haven't gotten a meaningful raise in nearly two generations. You know, your healthcare is lousy, et cetera, but take solace. Your boss is a you know, disabled trans woman.

I would just put the emphasis on class, genuinely, as opposed to these other identitarian dimensions, because in a very real way, lots of those kind of DEI, woke cultures, practices, et cetera, cashed out as, you know, hey, you haven't gotten a meaningful raise in nearly two generations. You know, your healthcare is lousy, et cetera, but take solace. Your boss is a you know, disabled trans woman.

I see it as much more, I think, cynical than Adam does. But I think if we just do a, focus it on class, because by the way, all these identitarian divisions are management strategies as well. You can divide the working class and they do it all the time. So I'm, you know, like, again, I'm of the center, right?

I see it as much more, I think, cynical than Adam does. But I think if we just do a, focus it on class, because by the way, all these identitarian divisions are management strategies as well. You can divide the working class and they do it all the time. So I'm, you know, like, again, I'm of the center, right?

But when I listened to Senator Sanders, especially the Senator Sanders of circa 2015, 16, I'm like, oh my God, I really, This was good. And what a tragedy it was that, for example, he said – he called for all sorts of antitrust measures and Hillary Clinton said, yeah, but would breaking up the banks end systemic racism? No, it doesn't, but that's not the problem it's supposed to address.

But when I listened to Senator Sanders, especially the Senator Sanders of circa 2015, 16, I'm like, oh my God, I really, This was good. And what a tragedy it was that, for example, he said – he called for all sorts of antitrust measures and Hillary Clinton said, yeah, but would breaking up the banks end systemic racism? No, it doesn't, but that's not the problem it's supposed to address.

And it was telling that she –

And it was telling that she –

No, I agree with that, and I worry about that. Listen, you said something, and I think Adam agreed, that fundamentally the New Deal order was a conservative project because it was an attempt to bring the turbulent market and all the disruption it can bring under some degree of political control, strike a different bargain between the asset-less majority and the asset-rich few.

No, I agree with that, and I worry about that. Listen, you said something, and I think Adam agreed, that fundamentally the New Deal order was a conservative project because it was an attempt to bring the turbulent market and all the disruption it can bring under some degree of political control, strike a different bargain between the asset-less majority and the asset-rich few.

As Roosevelt himself said, if you would preserve reform, meaning if you don't want a revolutionary scenario, give in to reform. So I think my hope in the long term to try to think dialectically is if these guys want to return to the power relations that prevailed in the 1890s, let's say, then what you're going to have potentially is the kind of labor industrial relations that you had in the 1890.

As Roosevelt himself said, if you would preserve reform, meaning if you don't want a revolutionary scenario, give in to reform. So I think my hope in the long term to try to think dialectically is if these guys want to return to the power relations that prevailed in the 1890s, let's say, then what you're going to have potentially is the kind of labor industrial relations that you had in the 1890.