Adam Tooze

But that shouldn't be confused with a vision for society as a whole or the economy as a whole, let alone a kind of fix for the situation of the American middle class, which is how this is so often badged and sold in American politics today. There's a national security case for diversifying the source of memory chips and processors and so on.

But that shouldn't be confused with a vision for society as a whole or the economy as a whole, let alone a kind of fix for the situation of the American middle class, which is how this is so often badged and sold in American politics today. There's a national security case for diversifying the source of memory chips and processors and so on.

But there isn't, to my mind, a realistic social vision, which is why I raised the Mar-a-Lago and facelift thing, because it's not real, right? How dare you, sir?

But there isn't, to my mind, a realistic social vision, which is why I raised the Mar-a-Lago and facelift thing, because it's not real, right? How dare you, sir?

Well, you either go down that or you go down the Tonka Toy kind of hardhat vision of the economy, which Joe Biden was addicted to. I mean, he just loved the picture of himself in a manufacturing plant, however rundown, however 1980s, he wanted to be there. And they are both kind of visions, right? Of an American, well, they're a past projected into the future.

Well, you either go down that or you go down the Tonka Toy kind of hardhat vision of the economy, which Joe Biden was addicted to. I mean, he just loved the picture of himself in a manufacturing plant, however rundown, however 1980s, he wanted to be there. And they are both kind of visions, right? Of an American, well, they're a past projected into the future.

And I don't think they're helpful, right? Because I think they're misleading as to what would actually help the American working class, which is healthcare, childcare. You know, those are the things where you could actually affect tens of millions of people.

And I don't think they're helpful, right? Because I think they're misleading as to what would actually help the American working class, which is healthcare, childcare. You know, those are the things where you could actually affect tens of millions of people.

Just put some numbers in the picture here. There are 160 million people working as employed people in the United States, 170 million people in the workforce as a whole, so there's 10 million self-employed. There are 12 million people working in manufacturing, tightly defined. If you add 8 million in construction, that gets you to 20 million for industry.

Just put some numbers in the picture here. There are 160 million people working as employed people in the United States, 170 million people in the workforce as a whole, so there's 10 million self-employed. There are 12 million people working in manufacturing, tightly defined. If you add 8 million in construction, that gets you to 20 million for industry.

Now, that is not a base from which you can transform American society, right? What was it in the 50s, Adam? Do you have a sense of the percentage? As a share of employment- Yes. Yes. It was closer to 30%. Okay. So now it's closer to 10%. Less than 10%. 7% in manufacturing narrowly defined.

Now, that is not a base from which you can transform American society, right? What was it in the 50s, Adam? Do you have a sense of the percentage? As a share of employment- Yes. Yes. It was closer to 30%. Okay. So now it's closer to 10%. Less than 10%. 7% in manufacturing narrowly defined.

By a couple of million would be a huge success and it would take you closer to 10% than we currently are at. There are two different projects. There is the fulfillment of the Hamiltonian project of sovereignty and independence and security, which requires certain technological capacities.

By a couple of million would be a huge success and it would take you closer to 10% than we currently are at. There are two different projects. There is the fulfillment of the Hamiltonian project of sovereignty and independence and security, which requires certain technological capacities.

There are industrial communities that exist that should be defended and developed and supported in ways that are appropriate. But then the big challenge surely has got to be to deliver on something closer to a new deal, shall we say, for want of a better word, social and welfare bargain.

There are industrial communities that exist that should be defended and developed and supported in ways that are appropriate. But then the big challenge surely has got to be to deliver on something closer to a new deal, shall we say, for want of a better word, social and welfare bargain.

for the 20 million people that work in healthcare, for the 17 million people that work in leisure and services. That is a holistic bargain which can't any longer be based around the male breadwinner model of the UAW duking it out with GM and Ford and Chrysler in Detroit in the 40s and 50s.

for the 20 million people that work in healthcare, for the 17 million people that work in leisure and services. That is a holistic bargain which can't any longer be based around the male breadwinner model of the UAW duking it out with GM and Ford and Chrysler in Detroit in the 40s and 50s.

This is a highly diverse, very feminine workforce, which has to continuously think the problem of childcare organically with the problem of their working conditions. That's where progressive politics, to my mind, needs to focus, not on the, yes, it's the last war.

This is a highly diverse, very feminine workforce, which has to continuously think the problem of childcare organically with the problem of their working conditions. That's where progressive politics, to my mind, needs to focus, not on the, yes, it's the last war.